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Uqaqtittiji, I am going to ask the member a question similar to the one I asked the member for Prince George—Peace River—Northern Rockies. When I asked him the question, rather than responding to it, he resorted to mudslinging against me and using my constituents against me.
While indigenous peoples are doing what they can to protect our assets, we are being violated. Indigenous women are being violated for protecting their lands, for protecting their assets. Does the member agree that this act, the ICA, needs to be amended so that there is free, prior and informed consent of indigenous peoples when it comes to mining activities?
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Uqaqtittiji, I would like to thank the member for his interest in the north and the Arctic. I am not sure how genuine it actually is.
With respect to this act, the Investment Canada Act, when it comes to ensuring we are doing better at protecting individuals and the land, a lot of what we have to do in these pieces of legislation is prevent the acquisition of certain things. For example, in Nunavut there is a mining company that is not owned within Canada, and a lot of damage is being caused by this mining companies to our lands and our territories. What we need to do is make sure that there is free, prior and informed consent so that indigenous peoples can and will have a say in ensuring that legislation, such as the Investment Canada Act, can have a positive impact on them.
Does the member agree that ensuring free, prior and informed consent should also be included in acts such as these?
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- Apr/21/23 11:04:25 a.m.
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Uqaqtittiji, the budget allocated almost a billion dollars to persuade indigenous peoples to exploit their lands.
There are too few of the 338 MPs who will work to protect indigenous peoples' rights. That is why I say now, directly to Inuit, first nations and Métis, that their inherent rights are being violated, infringed upon and exploited. I say to the families of the MMIWG, the survivors and families of residential schools, families who were forced off the lands and into settlements and to indigenous peoples and their lands that were, and continue to be, stolen, that they must protect and defend indigenous peoples' lands. To indigenous peoples who are homeless, living in overcrowded or dilapidated housing conditions, and to all Inuit, first nations and Métis, I say that too few of MPs will stand up for their rights and I plead with them to protect their rights, speak up and demand justice from their MPs.
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Uqaqtittiji, I rise for the last time today, on national Have a Heart Day.
Before I begin, I wish safe travels to all of the delegates who attended the Northern Lights trade show here in Ottawa last week. It is an important event that promotes the great work that Nunavummiut are doing to support Canada’s economy. It is a great event to showcase the beauty and talent that artisans from the NWT, Nunavut, Nunavik and Nunatsiavut have.
I extend my congratulations to all the participants and winners of the Arctic Winter Games in Woodland, Alberta. I have heard great stories of triumph, heartache and celebration. I thank the volunteers who have devoted their time to the success of youth to achieve their best in such events.
I thank my NDP colleague, the member for South Okanagan—West Kootenay for sponsoring Bill S-222 in this place. It is a step in the right direction to help eliminate greenhouse gas emissions. The government has the responsibility to do its part. We must all do our part to reduce emissions. We must all do our part to protect the environment. This bill, while short, has important implications. There must be a fine balance between keeping forests and reducing reliance on harmful materials.
Over the last 20 years, I have driven back and forth between Ottawa and New Brunswick to visit family. I have noticed major changes over those 20 years. Roads have improved. Communities have grown, and forests of trees have been decimated. Although I know that I cannot live in remote wooded areas for long periods of time, I know how important trees are. I know that we must find solutions to replacing harmful products, such as plastics and other materials known to accelerate climate change.
As Canadian businesses and organizations are shifting to more sustainable practices, this bill helps to ensure that the federal government will work toward those concerns. We are often asked to stretch the limits of our knowledge to learn about important issues that constituents are concerned about. In this speech, I stretch my limits in attempting to understand how mainstream society consumes resources.
The aim of this bill is to allow the federal government to use wood for improvements to infrastructure. By using wood in the repair and building of federal infrastructure projects, Canadian businesses can be better supported. In 2013, production in the forest sector contributed $19.8 billion, or 1.25% to Canada’s real gross domestic product. With the decline of the forestry industry in recent years, there is an opportunity to revitalize this sector while protecting the environment.
In my riding, although we are not manufacturing wood, families rely on wood for homes, heating and other projects. We rely very much on the import of wood from our neighbours to the south. I use this seat to make sure that concerns are brought forward, my constituents' questions are answered and their needs are met.
As the critic to Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada, my job is to amplify the voices and the concerns that indigenous peoples have. I meet with indigenous communities, chiefs, elders and advocates who are asking the government to listen and take meaningful action to repair the damage it has done. This is important work, but the government must also stretch itself. It needs to be putting in the hard work to make sure Canadians are heard and this is acted upon.
In Budget 2017, the government provided Natural Resources Canada with $39.8 million over four years, starting in 2018–19, to support projects and activities that increase the use of wood as a greener substitute material in infrastructure projects. We are calling on the government to make good on its promises and be true to its word.
This is important, especially in the context of the federal government’s relationship with the indigenous peoples of Canada. The government has promised to protect indigenous people's lands, consult with indigenous communities and work toward reconciliation. Too often, this does not occur. The government must take the issues being raised by Canadians more seriously. The government has promised greener solutions to address climate change.
All too often, I have watched the government break promises it has made to indigenous peoples and to Canadians. All too often, the government has taken minimal or incremental steps that improve the lives of indigenous peoples. The Liberal government has said that there is no relationship more important than that with indigenous peoples. Protecting and upholding indigenous people's rights is a responsibility of the government.
The bill is silent on this important matter. How will indigenous people's rights be respected? How will this amendment increase tenure for first nations communities? How will first nations management be guaranteed?
It is my hope that amendments will be made to acknowledge that Canada is founded on indigenous people's lands, and provisions must account for that. As Canada continues to work toward a better future, indigenous people must be heard and their land rights must be upheld.
Indigenous governance and management must be included. The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples must be included. No development of any kind should exclude the free, prior and informed consent of indigenous people.
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Madam Speaker, Nunavummiut need to hunt to feed their families and to protect themselves from dangerous predators, such as polar bears. Bill C-21 was about getting handguns off the streets, but now with this last-minute amendment, the Liberal government has shown how out of touch it is with the daily lives of Nunavummiut. My community is worried and confused.
When will the government stop playing political games and ensure indigenous communities can protect themselves from dangerous predators like—
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Uqaqtittiji, it has been interesting to participate in the debate on Bill C-29, an act to provide for the establishment of a national council for reconciliation.
We have heard from all parties their positions and questions regarding the disparities, they say, of indigenous peoples. While the New Democrats have focused on highlighting the ongoing violations of indigenous peoples' rights, others have chosen to focus on the potential composition of the national council for reconciliation.
In my final speech on this matter, I will clarify the position stated by the New Democrats. This party has been guided by advocacy from indigenous peoples in making its position, and we stand by it.
First, on clauses 9 and 10 of Bill C-29, about the composition and nominating bodies, clause 9 states the board would consist of nine to 13 directors and clause 10 only names four nominating bodies. This creates opportunities for five to nine directors who could come from other indigenous groups. I think it is important that there is representation from many nations across Canada with the independence that is necessary for this council.
I remind all indigenous peoples and groups that, if they feel the bill does not ensure their voices would be heard through the composition of the board, there would be opportunities to be heard, be it through nominating to the board through the nomination process, providing advice through advisory councils or, as outlined in the bill, reaching out to the council directly.
I thank key witnesses who spoke at committee. Zebedee Nungak spoke passionately about how decolonization needs to be the end goal of this process. Okalik Eegeesiak emphasized, “Reconciliation must come from a balanced approach, mindset and foundation, with mutual respect and equitable resources.” Karen Restoule highlighted the importance of revitalizing indigenous laws and the importance of upholding indigenous rights.
The Native Women's Association of Canada plays an important role to advise and support indigenous women across the country. Indigenous women continue to fight for their rights, and with high rates of violence toward them, reconciliation should address the multiple concerns these communities have.
An amendment the New Democrats made was to ensure the inclusion of important advice to be drawn from survivors, elders and indigenous legal professionals. We have heard in this debate that it is important to ensure that survivors and elders are the centre of this work. The amendments by the New Democrats assure this. Currently, across the nation the rights of indigenous persons are violated, infringed upon and attacked. Often indigenous peoples are deprived of their rights, including basic rights such as housing.
We saw recently, in the Auditor General's report on the government's responses to emergency preparedness, that indigenous families in the Peguis first nations have been evacuees for 10 years after a flood.
Indigenous peoples are often deprived of the right to self-determination, accessible housing, educational opportunities and access to their own lands. This council will lead the conversation on what nations want to see and need from the government to move reconciliation forward. For the council to do its job effectively, it will need access to information on both a provincial and federal level. It is important that it is granted access within the legal limits to report on what is happening to indigenous communities. It will be important to see the council work to consistently protect and promote the rights of indigenous peoples with its recommendations.
It is because of the New Democratic Party's recommendations and amendments that the council will use a rights-based approach to its work on advancing reconciliation.
It is important we do not lose sight of what this legislation has the potential to do. First nations, Métis and Inuit have voiced for years and advocated for years for solutions that can work in indigenous communities.
The work of this national council for reconciliation will be important as it will ensure a non-partisan approach to hearing what the issues are and the work that needs to be done as it will monitor government programs and policies. It is vital that reconciliation be on the minds of all Canadians.
I remind all indigenous peoples and groups that hope to be heard that those opportunities remain. The work has started to ensure that indigenous peoples lead the way in reconciliation through the creation of this council. There has been great work already completed and more great work that needs to continue.
As a country, we have a lot to learn regarding reconciliation. I have spoken to members of Parliament from New Zealand who visited us in Canada. One member of Parliament asked how we will know when reconciliation is complete. My response to that question is reconciliation will only be complete when indigenous peoples say it is complete. This is not something that should be determined by governments.
Indigenous communities need to see action from the government that shows it is listening to what communities are saying. Governments must follow the lead of indigenous peoples, especially on matters related to reconciliation, decolonization and to the indigenization of laws, policies and programs that are to impact indigenous peoples.
In conclusion, Bill C-29 leaves me with a sense of hope that it will lead to measurable outcomes. While this bill is not the only solution to addressing the injustices experienced by indigenous peoples, it will ensure the advancement of reconciliation needed for all Canadians.
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Uqaqtittiji, I welcome members back from break week. I had the wonderful privilege of going home to Iqaluit and then on to two of my communities, Taloyoak and Kugaaruk.
Bill S-219, an act respecting a national ribbon skirt day, is about preserving a cultural world view and the importance of ribbon skirts. It provides an opportunity for us to recognize indigenous cultures and the prominence of indigenous women. By passing the bill, we would increase opportunities to discuss the realities of indigenous women in Canada. New Democrats support the bill and will be suggesting some amendments.
All indigenous cultures since time immemorial have valued women the same way that we do men, children and elders. Through Christian and government colonization, indigenous women have become especially oppressed and subjected to atrocities. This has led to the ongoing genocide of all indigenous peoples, which must be redressed.
First nations, Métis and Inuit have different ways of showing respect in their communities to indigenous women. Inuit in Canada and internationally symbolize the strength of women through tattoos, a practice I am proud to see resurging after having been banned by the Catholic and Anglican churches.
In Taloyoak, I had such a wonderful visit with a beautiful Inuk women named Elizabeth Lyall. I thank her for feeding us delicious Inuit food during our visit. She talked about how important it is to have dreams. I honour her for having met each of her dreams and for still looking to make new dreams to help her family, friends and community. She truly inspired me, and I thank her.
I value the role given to me as critic for indigenous issues shortly after I was elected as a New Democrat. Before this time, I had limited exposure to first nations and Métis cultures. Since taking on this important role, I have felt privileged to learn much more about Métis and first nations. This morning, for example, I agreed to be a witness in the Moose Hide Campaign, which is a grassroots approach to addressing the violence against indigenous women by creating opportunities for men, and everyone, to appreciate the indigenous women in their lives.
Through the bill before us, I have learned about the importance of ribbon skirts, and I thank the sponsor of the bill.
Ribbon skirts have an important meaning for first nations and Métis women. The skirt is a symbol of strength, pride and hope. First nations and Métis women make their ribbon skirts to represent a direct connection to Mother Earth and her sacred medicines. I have learned that ribbon skirts in recent years have represented causes, including missing and murdered indigenous women and girls. For many first nations and Métis, wearing a ribbon skirt shows the strength of the lived experience of indigenous peoples here in Canada.
In addition to the cultural significance, this is also a matter of respecting indigenous rights, especially when so much has been done to indigenous peoples. Too many of us lost our identity, dignity and right to self-determination. It is important that action continues to be taken for indigenous peoples to be supported in regaining our strength for the indigenous peoples we are.
Article 15 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples states, “Indigenous peoples have the right to the dignity and diversity of their cultures, traditions, histories and aspirations which shall be appropriately reflected in education and public information.”
Education is critical for Canadians to learn about the realities of how indigenous peoples were and continue to be treated. Systemic racism still exists. Indigenous peoples are subjected to discrimination and chronic underfunding, and they are still forced to live under colonial laws that ignore their inherent rights to govern and manage their own lands and laws.
Canadians need to learn more about indigenous heritage and culture to gain understanding of the lived experience of many indigenous women across Canada. In the 2015 National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, data showed indigenous women are four times more likely to be murdered or kidnapped than any other Canadian.
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Uqaqtittiji, I would like to thank the member for mentioning frequently that indigenous peoples have been engaged in this whole process. Indigenous peoples have frequently experienced being deprived of their rights and their rights being infringed.
The 94 calls to action frequently talk about the importance of implementing UNDRIP. I wonder if the member could explain why Bill C-29 does not have any mention of implementing UNDRIP.
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Uqaqtittiji, I would like to first thank my constituents in Nunavut for putting me here, for putting their trust in me. I will continue to work hard to ensure their needs are being met and to ensure their voices are being heard.
I also extend a warm welcome back to all the MPs. I hope they had a good summer, and I am hopeful that we will make changes that will have positive impacts for indigenous peoples and for Canada, in general.
I am pleased to rise today on behalf of the New Democrats on Bill C-29, an act to provide for the establishment of a national council for reconciliation. The basis of this bill stems from important recommendations by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's calls to action. I honour it for its work. I truly believe that when the commission made its calls to action, it did so founded in the knowledge that systemic changes would be made.
This bill has the potential to advance reconciliation efforts for Canada and for people who call Canada their home. However, the language of this bill requires amendments for clarity. The wording of this language is not strong enough for the important role it has. It does not reference the important legal obligations enshrined by the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and case law.
There seems to be a disconnect between indigenous-led recommendations and how the government will implement these changes. Without a clear process in place, communication and actionable change can fall through the cracks, as they have done for decades. New Democrats will propose changes so that indigenous peoples take the lead on reconciliation and the government, to implement recommendations made by the council that will be created. The government needs to hear the voices of indigenous communities and implement changes based on the solutions offered to it.
Indigenous peoples know what changes need to be made. Indeed, the Government of Canada has been told where the disconnections are. Canada must now continue to reconcile its relationship and perceptions with indigenous peoples. Indigenous people have completed a lot of research and advocacy on reconciliation. The government's response must acknowledge this work and be guided in its actions going forward. The many areas requiring reconciliation demand that this council be created so that reconciliation is acted on, measured and maintained.
Before I turn to some of these areas, I will share a personal story. I have spoken in this House about government interference in my life. This summer, I was reminded of some of this interference. I was contacted by a former teacher, and she emailed the following: “Did you attend grade 5/6 at Maani Ulujuk School in Rankin Inlet for part of the school year? I taught grade 5 and 6 and had a student in my class, a lovely little girl, who one day was suddenly called to the office by social services and put on a plane with her mother (and maybe brother) and sent somewhere, if I recall, Pond Inlet. I never heard after what happened to her. Was that you? It would have been 35 years ago.” The sad fact, in addition to this, is that this was not the first time I was taken out of a class to be flown to yet another community.
Having shared this, I ask members, what does reconciliation mean? Unfortunately, my story as an indigenous person is not unique in Canada. Unfortunately, my story is too common among indigenous peoples.
Compensation for the confirmed discrimination against first nations children in the foster care system continues to be fought by the federal government. Changes in housing accessibility and affordability, employment opportunities based on their existing strengths, and language accessibility for federal services are areas of great concern.
Mental health services need to be highlighted across Canada. Processes that have worked and proved to be successful are those run through indigenous practices, and they could be acknowledged. Social justice support for victims of crime and funding in support of such services can be acknowledged through this process. The needs of indigenous persons are important. They are the needs that they see and speak to.
There need to be mechanisms for stronger language and incorporating indigenous laws. Many Canadians recognize the two official languages of Canada as only French and English. With many federal and territorial services being translated into only these two languages, many people are left out of conversations. These conversations are essential and need to include those who speak languages that are indigenous, including Inuktitut.
The public should learn more about indigenous cultures through their viewpoint, which is critical to educating the next generation to prevent future atrocities like those that have occurred here in Canada. By learning history through indigenous perspectives, there is a bright future in which Canadians can know and learn from the past.
We support the passing of this bill to help support indigenous-led reconciliation. Bill C-29 would offer support in facing what has happened here in Canada. Too long has Canada ignored the voices of indigenous peoples. Too long has there been inequality in safe, accessible housing and meaningful infrastructure.
The Government of Canada must take a rights-based approach to ensuring that efforts toward reconciliation have positive impacts on indigenous peoples. We will, at debate, push for the use of such instruments.
There are 94 calls to action. These calls to action must be used as a framework for reconciliation.
The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples must be implemented in all its intents. Many elements of UNDRIP are incredibly important when speaking about reconciliation within Canada. In particular, I want to highlight the focus on education, health, and social and economic security. Article 21 states:
Indigenous peoples have the right, without discrimination, to the improvement of their economic and social conditions, including...housing, sanitation, health and social security.
Finally, another instrument that must be drawn upon is the landmark Supreme Court decision in Haida Nation. This important case stated that reconciliation must be enacted honourably. Haida Nation states:
The controlling question in all situations is what is required to maintain the honour of the Crown and to effect reconciliation between the Crown and the Aboriginal people with respect to the interests at stake.
I have tried to respond to the former teacher who reached out to me. I was so touched by the fact that my long-forgotten memory of such government interference was indeed real. It felt so long ago that I wondered if it was a memory that I had made up.
I now stand here among members, having been elected by my constituents in Nunavut. As an indigenous MP, with my unique experience and voice, I stand among members as an equal. I plead for us to be the parliamentarians who stop the deprivation of indigenous people's rights and who respect, protect and govern based on indigenous people's strengths.
In creating this council, the federal government must implement its recommendations. With a clear plan and process in place, Canada can start to move in a new direction, a direction that acknowledges the past and seeks justice for the future—
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Uqaqtittiji, I would like to thank the member for his very thoughtful speech and his statement. I really appreciated it.
I do agree with the member that there are some gaps in this bill and I think we are going to need to make sure amendments are made. I wonder if the member could share with us whether one of the gaps is that it does not take a rights-based approach to ensuring that indigenous rights are being protected and better served in Canada?
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Uqaqtittiji, my dad completed suicide when I was very young, but I was very fortunate to have several different father figures with several different families throughout Nunavut. I would love to wish them a happy Father's Day. I also wish a special one to my husband Allan. As a blended family, we were able to raise nine children together, so happy Father's Day to Allan.
I am privileged to stand here as we celebrate and acknowledge that this is National Indigenous History Month, especially since next week, on June 21, many people across Canada will be celebrating National Indigenous Peoples Day. Having said this, I want to call attention to education by insisting that all governments and educational institutions in Canada implement the TRC's calls to action 6 through 12 and 63 to 66, which focus on education.
I also want to thank the member for Saanich—Gulf Islands for introducing this bill. Its predecessor, Bill C-230, died on the Order Paper.
I will outline briefly how opportunities for environmental racism have been perpetuated by Canada and implemented in Canada’s constitutional and legal framework for dealing with lands in Canada.
The violation of the indigenous inherent right to lands is the strongest form of colonialism. This practice by Canada has negatively impacted indigenous peoples. This colonialism has happened for hundreds of years, from the time of first settlers to present-day Canada. This is evident with case law leading to the current landmark case on the land title of Haida Nation. We cannot deny that there is conflict between colonial Canada and many of the first nations that have had to go through the courts to have their rights and title recognized.
Before settlers arrived in what is now known as Canada, indigenous peoples thrived. They managed the environment and the wildlife, ensuring a pristine and balanced environment. Since the arrival of settlers that led up to the Constitution Act in 1867, indigenous peoples have been robbed of their lands. However, indigenous peoples can reclaim lands in one of four ways. Rather than explaining the Constitution Act, I will simply state that sections 91(24), 92 and 35 create the opportunities for environmental racism to be perpetuated.
There are many cases dealing with rights and title, including Calder, R. v. Sparrow, Delgamuukw, R. v. Marshall, the Tsilhqot'in case, Clyde River, Haida Nation and Carrier Sekani. These cases lead to opportunities for environmental racism to be perpetuated. While these important cases have advanced indigenous rights and title to lands, the courts have ensured that these rights are limited and incremental.
Another instrument is the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which was adopted in the United Nations in 2007. Canada was one of four countries that voted against it. It was not until 2016 that Canada finally endorsed UNDRIP. It was finally in the last Parliament that legislation related to UNDRIP received royal assent here in Canada. I will specifically and quickly say that article 32 states:
1. Indigenous peoples have the right to determine and develop priorities and strategies for the development or use of their lands or territories
I am going to give a quick example of the impacts of environmental racism.
When environmental racism seemed to reach its peak in Nunavut, in February 2021, a group of hunters from Arctic Bay and Pond Inlet marked a shift in how Inuit voice their concerns. While this group was hunting, it happened to be at the same time the Nunavut Impact Review Board was holding one of its technical hearings on the proposal by the Baffinland Iron Mines Corporation to expand its current mine.
During this time, Inuit who attended the hearings felt unheard. The questions they posed to Baffinland were not being answered, and the Nunavut Impact Review Board was continually limiting the number of questions the Inuit could ask throughout the proceedings. The hunters, having heard reports about the suppression of Inuit voices, took the drastic action of impeding access at two points of the mine. Baffinland, rather than working with Inuit, chose to close the mine and impose a court-ordered injunction.
Because of the courage of what is now known as the Nuluujaat Land Guardians and that of hunters and trappers organizations such as the Qikiqtani Inuit Association, which represents the regional interests of the Inuit, the Inuit changed their position. They went from being willing to support phase two to outright rejecting the phase two proposal in its form at the time. Inuit, indeed, have been willing to work with Baffinland to ensure Inuit employment and ensure proper environmental protection, adaptation and mitigation. They just were not heard to the extent they should have been.
On March 13 of this year, the Nunavut Impact Review Board, within its statutory mandate, recommended to the Minister of Northern Affairs that Baffinland's proposal to expand its current mine in phase two should not proceed. It said, “These potential significant adverse effects cannot be adequately prevented, mitigated, or adaptive managed under proposed mitigation, adaptive management and monitoring programs and/or revisions (to the project certificate).” The Minister of Northern Affairs has 90 days from March 13 to decide whether he will accept the Nunavut Impact Review Board's recommendation. While I very much appreciate the work of my forefathers, the fact that the Nunavut Land Claims Agreement ended up with a provision that allows the federal government to have the final say is more than environmental racism.
Since the Nunavut Impact Review Board's decision, Baffinland has requested an emergency decision by the Minister of Northern Affairs to expand the current project beyond its scope. Now Baffinland has issued notices that it will lay off its workers, choosing profits over labourers. While the price of iron ore has dipped, it is projected to continue to rise and remain stable.
There is another aspect to this. The fact that four ministers have been invited to hear directly from the most impacted community and have refused is more than environmental racism. The fact that the Minister of Northern Affairs will decide the fate of the lands, impacting directly the environment and the Inuit who have lived there since time immemorial, necessitates the passing of this bill.
While this bill will be another form of chipping away at the current system, it will still ensure that indigenous peoples are engaged in the development of a national strategy. That is why the NDP supports the passing of this bill. Finally, passing this legislation will ensure that Canada complies with article 32 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which is such an important international instrument that Canada has an opportunity to show leadership on.
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Uqaqtittiji, one of the 231 calls for justice calls for the full implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The government committed to doing so in passing Bill C-15, but in courts this week, federal lawyers now say UNDRIP is only an important interpretative aid in the process for discussions. Which is it? Will the Minister of Justice stand to confirm that the rights of indigenous people in Canada are indeed substantive, as stated in UNDRIP?
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- May/5/22 2:15:29 p.m.
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Uqaqtittiji, I rise to amplify the inherent rights of indigenous peoples in Canada. “Reclaiming Power and Place”, the final report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, found, “Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people are holders of inherent Indigenous rights, constitutional rights, and international and domestic human rights.”
The report calls for the full implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Call for justice 1.2 states, “We call upon all governments, with the full participation of Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people, to immediately implement and fully comply with all relevant rights instruments, including but not limited to...UNDRIP”.
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- Feb/7/22 2:15:39 p.m.
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Qujannamiik, uqaqtitiji.
This “freedom convoy” exposes the injustice that first nations, Métis, Inuit and people of colour experience in Canada. The convoy has the freedom to demonstrate unrestricted violence, mainly without punishment. On the other hand, indigenous peoples live in fear of reprisal for protecting indigenous lands, as they are met with violence by law enforcement.
The CGL pipeline did not achieve the consent of the appropriate first nations to have their proposal approved. Since then, the Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs, who have the authority to consent, have been forced to defend their territory for the last seven years. I stand with the Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs.
I call on the Liberal government to protect indigenous peoples' rights, as accorded in section 35 of the Constitution Act and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and to uphold the rule of law.
Qujannamiik.
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- Dec/2/21 6:24:40 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time with the member for Skeena—Bulkley Valley.
I will be delivering my speech in Inuktitut, so I encourage members to put their earpieces on.
[Member spoke in Inuktitut and provided the following text:]
ᐅᖃᖅᑎᑦᑎᔨ,
ᖁᕕᐊᓱᒃᐳᖓ ᐃᓅᓪᓗᖓ, ᓄᓇᕗᒻᒥᐅᑕᐅᓪᓗᖓ ᐅᕙᓃᒃᑲᒪ. ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᖅᔪᐊᖑᖃᑎᒐ Edmonton Griesbach ᒥ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᐃᔪᖅ ᐅᖃᖅᑕᖓᓐᓂ ᐊᑐᖃᑕᐅᕗᖓᕙ. ᐊᒃᓱᕈᓇᖅᓯᒪᓂᑰᒧᑦᑕᐅᖅ. ᓯᕗᓪᓕᕐᒥ ᖁᕙᓕᕗᖓ ᐃᓚᓐᓂ, ᐊᑭᓕᖅᓱᖅᑕᐅᓇᓂ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑎᓂᒃ, ᓄᓇᕗᒻᒥᐅᓂᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ NDP ᒃᑯᓐᓂ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑐᐃᔨᒪᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ. ᖃᐅᔨᒪᕗᖓ ᐊᒥᓱᑦ ᑭᐅᓯᑦᑎᐊᒪᕆᑲᐅᑎᒋᔪᓐᓇᖏᒪᑕ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᑯᐃᓐ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᖅᑎᖓᑦᑕ ᐅᓂᒃᑲᐅᑎᓚᐅᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂ.
ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑲᔾᔮᕐᓇᖅᑐᐊᓗᒃ ᐊᖏᔪᐊᓘᓪᓗᓂᓗ. ᖃᐅᔨᒪᑦᑎᐊᖅᑐᖓ ᑐᓴᖅᑕᐅᒐᓱᖕᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐱᕕᑭᑦᑑᓂᖓᓐᓂ. ᐊᒃᓱᕉᑎᖃᐃᓐᓇᕐᓂᐊᖅᐳᖓ ᐅᕙᓂ ᐃᒃᓴᕚᖅᐸᖕᓂᐊᖅᑎᓪᓗᖓ 44ᖑᔪᒥᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᕕᔪᐊᖑᔪᓂᒃ, ᑐᓴᖅᑕᐅᒋᐊᓪᓚᖁᓪᓗᒋ ᓄᓇᖃᖄᖅᓯᒪᔪᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᐱᓐᓇᖅᑐᒻᒪᕆᐅᓂᖏᓐᓂ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᐃᓐᓇᐅᔭᕐᓂᐊᖅᖢᖓ ᓄᓇᒋᔭᑦᑎᓐᓃᑦᑐᑦ ᓴᖏᓂᓕᐊᓘᓂᖏᓐᓂ.
ᐃᓄᐃᑦ, ᓄᓇᖃᖄᖅᓯᒪᔫᖃᑎᕗᓪᓗ ᐊᑯᓂᐊᓗᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖄᖅᓯᒪᕗᒍᑦ. ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᐅᔪᑐᖃᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᖓᓂ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐃᓅᖃᑎᒥᓐᓄᒃ. ᐃᖃᐃᕗᖓ ᔮᓐ ᐊᒪᕈᐊᓕᒃ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᖅᓯᒪᔭᖓᓐᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᑭᐅᖅᑕᖅᑐᕐᒥᐅᑕᐅᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᓐᓄᑦ, 1986ᒥᒃ. ᐅᖃᓚᐅᖅᐳᖅ “ 1947ᒥᒃ ᐃᓅᓚᐅᖅᐳᖓ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓅᓯᖃᖅᓯᒪᓕᖅᐳᖓ 1000ᓂᒃ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓂᒃ”. ᐅᖃᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᓴᖅᑭᑦᑎᓚᐅᖅᐳᖅ ᐱᕕᔾᔪᐊᖑᓂᖓᓐᓂ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᕐᓂᒃ ᑎᒍᒥᐊᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖅ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑭᖑᕚᓄᑦ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᖅᑏᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᒥᒃ. ᑕᐃᓱᒪᓃᓐᓇᖅ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᒥᔪᖅ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᕆᑦᑎᐊᒻᒪᕿᒃᖢᓂ ᐊᑎᖏᓐᓂ ᑭᓇᒃᑯ ᐃᓅᓯᕐᒥᓂᒃ ᑭᐱᓯᓚᐅᕐᒪᖔᑦᑕ. ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᐊᑖᑕᒋᓚᐅᖅᑕᕋ.
ᐃᓅᓯᕋ, ᐊᐃᑦᑖᖑᒐᓗᐊᖅ, ᐊᔾᔨᐅᖏᒻᒪ. ᐊᒥᓲᓗᐊᖅᑐᑦ, ᓄᓇᖃᖅᖄᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑕᐃᒫᑦᑎᐊᖅ ᐅᓂᒃᑲᐅᑎᖃᕐᒥᔪᑦ. ᐃᓕᖅᑯᓯᖅᐳᑦ ᐊᓯᐅᑎᑕᐅᒐᓱᐃᓐᓇᖅᓯᒪᔪᖅᓱᓕ. ᐅᓂᒃᑲᐅᑎᕗᑦ, ᐊᒃᓱᕈᓇᖅᑐᒃᑰᔪᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᓯᒪᓂᖅ, ᑕᐃᓱᒪᓂᑐᖃᐅᖏᑦᑐᖅ. ᒫᓐᓇᒧᓱᓕ ᐱᓂᖅᓗᒃᑕᐅᓯᒪᖃᑦᑕᒻᒪᕆᒃᐳᒍᓱᓕ.
ᑕᐅᑐᖑᐊᖁᕙᓯ. ᐅᕙᓂ ᖃᐅᑕᒫᖅ ᐃᒃᓯᕚᖃᑦᑕᖅᑎᓪᓗᓯ, ᓈᓚᒃᑎᑕᐅᖏᓐᓇᐅᔭᖅᓗᓯ ᐅᕙᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᒃᑎᑐᐃᓐᓇᑦᑎᐊᖅ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᖏᓐᓇᐅᔭᖅᓗᓯ ᐃᓄᒃᑎᑐᐃᓐᓇᑦᑎᐊᖅ. ᑐᓵᔨᖃᕐᓇᓯ, ᑐᓵᔾᔪᑎᖃᕐᓇᓯ, ᕿᔪᐊᕐᔪᕋᓛᑐᐊᖅ. ᖃᓪᓗᓈᑎᑐᑦ ᐅᐃᕖᑎᑐᓪᓘᓐᓃ ᐅᖃᕐᓂᕈᕕᑦ ᓱᑰᕐᓗᒋᑦ. ᑕᐃᒫᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔫᔪᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑎᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᒍᑦ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕆᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᓂᑯᑦ. ᑭᖑᓪᓂᖅᐹᖅ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇᐃᑦᑐᖅ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᖅᕕᒃ ᒪᑐᓚᐅᖅᓯᒪᔪᖅ 1996ᒥᒃ. ᑕᐃᓱᒪᓂᑐᖃᐅᖏᑦᑐᖅ. ᐊᒥᓲᓗᐊᖅᑐᓱᓕ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓱᓕ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕆᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᓯᒪᓂᑯᓂᒃ ᑭᖑᕚᕆᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᒃᓱᕈᕐᓇᖅᑐᒃᑰᖅᑐᓱᓕ. ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᐅᖏᑦᑐᑦ, ᐊᓯᐅᓯᒪᖏᑦᑐᑦ. ᐱᕕᖃᖅᐳᒍ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᕐᔪᐊᖑᑎᓪᓗᑕ ᑎᓕᐅᕆᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᒍᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᑲᔪᖁᔨᑦᑎᐊᒃᑲᓐᓂᖁᓪᓗᒋᑦ. ᐋᕿᒃᓯᒋᐊᖁᔨᓪᓗᑕ. ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔫᔪᑎᒍᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᑦ ᓴᐳᓐᓂᐊᕐᓗᒋᑦ.
ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐃᔨᖅᓯᓯᒪᒐᓱᖕᓂᖅ ᑎᑭᐅᑎᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐊᒥᓲᓗᐊᖅᑐᖅ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓵᓚᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐅᐃᕆᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᒥᓲᓗᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᓅᓯᕐᒥᓂᒃ ᑭᐱᓯᔪᑦ. ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᐊᒥᓲᓗᐊᕐᓂᖏᑦ ᑐᓴᐅᒪᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᕙᒃᑲ ᑭᐅᔭᕿᐊᖃᕐᓂᒃᓂᒃ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᑯᐃᓐ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᖅᑎᖓᑦᑕ ᐊᒃᓱᕉᑎᒋᓗᒋᑦ.
ᑕᐃᒪᖓᓂ ᑲᓇᑕ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᖃᑦᑎᐊᖅᓯᒪᖏᓚᑦ ᐃᓄᖕᓂ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ. ᐃᓅᓯᖃᖅᐳᒍ ᓄᖑᑎᕆᔭᐅᒐᓱᓚᐅᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᖃᖄᖅᓯᒪᔫᓚᐅᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᓅᒐᓱᐊᕈᑎᒋᓚᐅᖅᑕᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ. ᐊᒥᓱᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᕋᓛᕐᓅᖅᑎᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᐳᑦ ᐱᔪᒪᓵᕈᑕᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔮᑦᑎᐊᕙᓐᓂ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᑦᑕᓇᖅᑐᒦᖏᓐᓂᖅᓴᐅᓂᐊᓂᒥᒃ, ᐅᕙᓘᓐᓃ ᐱᓂᕐᓗᒃᑕᐅᓛᖏᓐᓂᖏᓐᓂ. ᐊᒥᓱᑦ ᐊᓚᒌᒃᑐᑦ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᐳᑦ, ᕿᒻᒥᖏᑦ ᑐᖁᕋᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓅᓯᖏᑦ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᖅᑕᐅᒻᒪᕆᓚᐅᖅᐳᑦ.
ᒫᓐᓇᐅᔪᖅ ᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ ᐆᒪᔪᑦ ᐅᓂᒃᑲᐅᑎᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᑐᓚᐅᖅᑕᕐᒥᓐᓂᒃ. ᐊᐃᑦᑕᓪᓛᓗᖔ, ᐊᒥᓱᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᕙᓚᐅᖅᑐᑦ ᑲᔪᓯᒪᓂᖃᕐᒪᑕ, ᐅᓪᓗᒥᒧᑦ.
ᑐᓴᐅᒪᑎᑕᐅᖏᓐᓇᐅᔭᖅᐳᖓ ᐋᓐᓂᐊᕈᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᑭᓯᐊᓐᓂᑕᐅᖅ ᓂᕆᐅᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᓯᕗᓂᒃᓴᑦᑎᐊᕙᓐᓂᒃ. ᐊᐃᑦᑖᖑᒐᓗᐊᖅ ᐊᒥᓱᑦ ᐊᔪᖅᓴᖅᑐᒦᑦᑎᑕᐅᖏᓐᓇᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᓴᐱᕐᓇᑲᓴᒃᑐᖅ ᓇᓕᒧᔪᒥᒃ ᑮᓇᐅᔾᔭᒃᓴᓂᐊᓂᒥᒃ. ᓄᓇᕗᒻᒥᐅᑦ ᑐᑭᓯᑦᑎᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᒥᓱᓂᒃ ᐱᑕᖃᐅᕋᓗᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂ ᓄᓇᓖᑦ ᐱᕕᖃᕈᓐᓇᓂᖏᓐᓂ ᓯᕗᓂᒃᓴᑎᐊᕙᒥ ᑭᖑᕚᒋᔭᒃᓴᓐᓄᑦ ᐸᕐᓇᐃᑦᑎᐊᕈᓐᓇᓂᒥᒃ.
ᐃᒡᓗᑭᒃᓴᓗᐊᕐᓂᖅ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᖁᖅᑐᒦᑦᑐ ᑐᖓᕕᐊᓪᓚᕆᒪᑕ ᐊᒃᓱᕈᓇᖅᑐᒃᑰᕈᑕᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ. ᐃᓚᒌᒃ ᐃᒡᓗᖃᖅᑎᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᓈᒪᖏᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᓂ, ᖃᓂᒻᒪᑖᕈᑎᓕᒻᒦᑐᓂᒃ, ᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ ᑲᙳᓇᖅᑐᒃᑰᑎᑕᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᕐᓇᐃᑦ ᑭᒃᑯᑐᐃᓐᓇᐃᓪᓗ ᐊᑦᑕᓇᖅᑐᒦᑎᑕᐅᖏᓐᓇᖅᖢᑎᒃ.
ᑲᓇᑕ, ᑮᓇᐅᔭᓕᐊᓘᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐃᒡᓗᓕᕆᓂᒨᖅᑎᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᖏᓐᓂᖏᑦ ᐅᔾᔨᕐᓇᕈᑕᐅᕗᖅ ᐃᒃᐱᓐᓂᐊᕆᑦᑎᐊᖏᒻᒪᑕ ᑳᓇᑕ, ᖃᓄᐃᓯᒪᐃᓐᓇᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂ. ᐅᖃᕈᒪᒋᓪᓗᖓ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓴᖏᓂᓕᐊᓘᒪᑕ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᖃᕈᓐᓇᑎᐊᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᖃᓚᐅᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂ ᒐᕙᒪᐅᔪᒥᒃ ᓴᖅᑭᑦᑎᓪᓗᑎᑦ ᑕᑯᔭᐅᓚᐅᖅᓯᒪᖏᑦᑐᓂᑦ ᐊᖏᑎᒋᔪᓂᒃ ᑐᕌᖓᔪᓄᑦ ᐃᒡᓗᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᖁᑎᕐᔪᐊᓄᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖏᓐᓂ. ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᐊᙳᒻᒪᑎᑦᑎᓪᓚᑦᑖᕐᓂᐊᕈᑎ ᐃᓄᖕᓂ ᐱᓗᐊᖅᑐᒥᒃ ᐃᓗᓕᕆᓂᖅ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᖁᑎᕐᔪᐊᕐᓂᒃ ᐱᑕᖃᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᐊᖅᐳᖅ ᐸᕐᓇᐃᓯᒪᐃᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᖓᓂ ᐃᒡᓗᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᓂᒃ ᓇᓕᒧᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᖏᔪᕐᔪᐊᓂᒃ ᑲᓇᑖᕋᓱᐊᓂᐅᓚᐅᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᑕᐃᒪᖓᓂ. ᐊᕕᒃᑐᖅᓯᒪᔫᔪᒍᑦ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᐅᖃᑎᒌᒋᐊᖃᕐᓂᐊᖅᐳᒍ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᑦᑎᐊᓪᓚᑖᖅᓗᑕ ᐊᑯᓂᐅᔪᒃᓴᕐᒥᒃ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᕐᔪᐊᓂᒃ ᐱᒋᐊᕐᓗᒍ 2022 ᐊᑐᕐᑕᐅᔪᒃᓴᐅᓛᖅᑐᓂᒃ.
ᓄᓇᕗᑦ, ᓄᓇᖃᖄᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᓖᑦ ᑐᐊᕕᕐᓇᖅᑐᒦᖏᓐᓇᖅᐳᑦ ᐃᒥᑦᑎᐊᕙᓕᕆᓂᐅᑉ ᒥᒃᓵᓄᑦ. ᐃᖃᓗᐃᑦ ᐃᒥᑦᑎᐊᕙᖃᕈᓐᓃᓚᐅᕐᓂᖓ ᖁᒃᓴᓪᓚᕈᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᐳᖅ ᑲᓇᑕᓕᒫᕐᒥᒃ. ᐊᒥᓱᑦ ᐅᒃᐱᕈᓱᓚᐅᖏᑦᑐᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇᐃᑦᑐᓐᓇᓂᖓᓐᓂ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᕐᒥᒃ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓄ ᐃᓂᒋᓪᓗᐊᑕᖅᑕᖓᓐᓂ.
ᖁᔭᓕᒍᒪᕙᒃᑲ ᐃᖃᓗᒥᐅᑕᐃᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᖓᓐ ᐊᒃᑑᐸᒥᒃ ᐱᒋᐊᓚᐅᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦᑎᐊᓕᓚᐅᒪᑕ. ᐊᒥᓲᓗᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᑯᓂᐅᓗᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᒥᑦᑎᐊᕙᐅᓪᓗᐊᖅᑐᓂᑦ ᑐᐊᕕᓇᑐᒃᑰᑎᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ. ᓲᕐᓗ ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᒃ, ᓴᓂᑭᓗᐊᖅ, ᑲᖏᖅᑐᒑᐱᒃ, ᐃᒡᓗᓕᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑎᑭᕐᕋᔪᐊᖅ, ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒋᔭᑦᑎᓂ. ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑐᐃᓐᓇᐅᔪᑦ. ᐊᒥᓱᒪᕆᐊᓗᐃᑦ ᐃᒻᒥᑎᐊᕙᖃᖏᑦᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᒦᑦᑐᑦ, ᑕᐃᒫᑎᒋᑦᑎᐊᖅ ᑐᐊᕕᕐᓇᖅᑐᒃᑰᑎᑕᐅᓯᒪᐃᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ.
ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐅᖃᐃᓐᓇᓂᐊᒥᔪᑦ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᒪᑕᒎᖅ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᐃᒪᐃᒻᒪ. Liberalᑯ ᓱᕋᐃᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᑐᓂᐊᓂᕋᓚᐅᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂ ᓄᓇᓕᓕᒫᑦ ᐱᖃᓂᐊᓂᕋᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᐃᒥᑦᑎᐊᕙᓂ. ᓱᕋᐃᖏᓐᓇᓗᐊᒪᑕ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᔾᔨᕈᓱᑦᑎᐊᒃᑲᓐᓂᖅᐸᑕ ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᐅᓂᖓᓐᓂ, ᐃᑲᔪᐊᓂᒃᓯᒪᔾᔭᖏᓚᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂ.
ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᖃᕆᐊᖃᓂᖏᓐᓂ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᔾᔨᐅᖏᓚᖅ. ᐊᒥᓲᓗᐊᕐᖢᑎᒃ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᑕᐅᖏᑦᑐᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᐊᓂᖃᕐᓂᐊᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ. ᐃᒃᐱᖕᓂᐊᕆᓪᓚᑖᖅᐳᖓ ᓯᕗᓂᒃᓴᖃᑦᑎᐊᕈᓐᓇᓂᖅᓴᐅᒐᑦᑕ ᓈᒪᒃᓴᖃᑎᒌᓕᕐᒧᑦ. ᒫᓐᓇᐅᔪᖅ, ᐱᕕᖃᕈᓐᓇᖅᐳᒍ ᐃᓕᑕᖅᓯᓂᖅᒥᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔫᔪᒍᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᖁᑎᖃᕐᓂᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖃᓄᖅᑑᕈᓐᓇᓂᒥᒃ ᐊᑐᓕᒃᑲᓐᓂᖁᓂᕐᒧᑦ, ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᖅᔪᐊᖑᑎᓪᓗᑕ.
ᐅᖃᖅᑎᑦᑎᔨ, ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᔪᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕆᔭᕐᒪ ᐅᖓᑖᒍ ᐱᑕᖃᐅᒥᔪᖅ. ᓯᕗᓂᒃᓴᕐᒥᒃ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕆᒃᑲᓐᓂᓛᖅᑕᒃᑲ ᓲᕐᓗ, ᓂᕿᖃᑦᑎᐊᖏᑦᑐᑦ, ᐊᓯᔾᔨᕆᐊᖃᓂᖓ ᐃᑲᔪᕈᑕᐅᓲᑦ ᓂᐅᕕᕐᕕᖕᓄᑦ ᐊᑭᑭᓪᓕᒋᐊᖅᑎᑎᔾᔪᑎᓂᒃ ᓂᕿᓂᒃ, ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑐᐃᓂᑦ ᐊᖑᓇᓱᑦᑎᓂᒃ, ᒥᖅᓱᖅᑎᓂᒃ, ᓴᓇᖑᐊᖅᑎᓂᑦ, ᑎᑎᕋᐅᔭᖅᑎᓂᒃ, ᐃᖕᖏᖅᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᓇᑕᐅᑎᓗᒋᑦ ᖃᓂᒪᓐᓇᕈᑏ, ᓲᕐᓗ ᐳᕙᓪᓗᓂᖅ.
ᐊᔭᐅᖅᑐᐃᔨᒻᒪᕆᒋᔭᐅᑎᓪᓗᖓ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑯᐃᓐ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᖅᑎᖏᑦᑕ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᖄᓯᒪᔪᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᓐᓄᑦ, ᐊᔭᐅᖅᑐᖅᓗᒋᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᑐᓕᖁᓪᓗᒋ ᐱᖁᔨᕗᖔᕈᑎᓕᐅᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᕐᓇᐃᑦ ᑐᖁᑕᐅᔪᕕᓃᑦ ᐊᓯᐅᓯᒪᔪᕕᓃᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑭᓪᓕᓯᓂᐊᖅᑏᑦ ᓈᒻᒪᖃᒃᓯᖃᑎᒌᖁᓕᕐᓂᒧᑦ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᑐᓕᖁᔭᐅᔪᕕᓃᑦ. ᓄᖅᑲᖅᑎᑦᑎᖁᔨᓂᖅ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᖑᖅᑎᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᑯᑎᒍ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓇᓕᒧᑎᑕᐅᓯᒪᖏᓐᓂᒃᑯᑦ, Wet’suwet’en ᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᕐᓇᖏᑦ, ᐃᓐᓇᖏᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᒥᓐᓂ ᓴᐳᔾᔨᓇᓱᒃᑐᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒪᒥᓴᕆᐊᖃᕐᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᒥᒃ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕆᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᓯᒪᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᖏᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᓂᖏᓐᓂ. ᐊᒃᓱᕉᑎᖃᓂᐊᐳᖓ 1960ᖏᓐᓂ ᑎᒍᐊᖅᑕᐅᖃᑦᑕᓂᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐳᕙᓗᓂᒧᑦ ᐊᐅᓪᓚᖅᑎᑕᐅᕙᓂᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᓗᐊᕐᖢᒋᑦ ᐃᓗᕖᑦ ᓇᓂᔭᐅᕙᓪᓕᐊᖏᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕕᕕᓂᕐᓂᒃ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᖏᓐᓇᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋ 44ᖑᔪᒥᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕕᔪᐊᒥᒃ.
ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᓯᒪᓕᖅᑐᑦ ᑲᓇᑕ ᖃᓄᐃᕐᓗᓂᕆᓚᐅᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᒃᑐᐊᓂᖃᐃᓐᓇᓂᖏᓐᓂ. ᒪᒥᐊᑦᑐᒦᑐᐃᓐᓇᕈᓐᓃᖅᑕ ᑐᕌᖓᓚᐅᖅᒥᑕ ᓄᑖᕐᒥᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒌᑦᑎᐊᓂᒥᒃ ᐃᓄᖕᓂ ᓄᓇᖃᖄᖅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃᓗ. ᓴᖅᑭᔮᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕆᓯᑐᖅ ᓈᒪᖃᑎᒌᑦᑎᐊᓕᕐᓂᒧᖅ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᒪᕆᓗᓯ ᓲᕐᓗ ᒪᓕᒐᕐᔪᐊᕐᒥᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᓯᓚᕐᔪᐊᕐᒥᒃ ᑎᒥᐅᔪᓄᑦ.
ᖁᔭᓐᓇᒦᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᑎᑦᑎᔨ
[Inuktitut text interpreted as follows:]
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to stand here today, an Inuk from Nunavut. Like my colleague, the member for Edmonton Griesbach, said, I am here following extraordinary circumstances. I first thank my family, volunteers, Nunavummiut and the NDP for supporting me to be here. It is a privilege to have the opportunity to respond to the throne speech.
Nunavut is a beautiful territory that spans millions of kilometres. I know the challenge of being here and of being heard. I am committed to ensuring that, with my seat in this 44th Parliament, Nunavummiut, first nations, Métis and Inuit are heard and are touted for the strength that exists in our communities.
All indigenous people, Inuit, first nations and Métis have been here on these lands since time immemorial. The knowledge passed from generation to generation still exists in the first peoples. I remember and am reminded of John Amagoalik when he spoke to the Inuit Circumpolar Council in 1986. He said, “I was born in 1947, but I have lived a thousand years.” At that time, he was only 39 years old. In that statement, he showed the burden of holding knowledge and the need to pass it on for the future generations.
Within that same speech, John Amagoalik named a few people who were known to have died by suicide, including my father. My life, unfortunately, is not a unique story. There are too many Inuit, first nations and Métis who share my story. Our stories of tragedy, of injustice, are not just history; we are still facing colonial acts of violence to this day.
Imagine, sitting here every day, being forced to listen to me speak and me teaching those people here only in Inuktitut with no interpreter services, no devices, only a yardstick. Imagine me hitting members' hands with that yardstick each time I heard them speak English or French. This was the reality of first nations, Métis and Inuit in residential schools. It hurts us. We suffered a lot, going through the residential school system. The last residential school closed in 1996. That history is not long gone. It is still present today. Many first nations, Métis and Inuit still suffer from the intergenerational trauma imposed upon us by governments.
Those governments are not long gone either, but now we have an opportunity as parliamentarians to instruct the federal government to do better, to ensure justice, to uphold indigenous rights.
The attempt to hide this colonial history has driven far too many first nations, Métis and Inuit to addictions and too many, ultimately, to suicide. It is all of those too frequent stories of colonial violence that drive me to respond to the Speech from the Throne very critically. I wish to address it that way as an indigenous person.
Canada's relationship with Inuit and indigenous peoples has been very fractured right from the beginning. We are still living through the realities of systematic government action that sought to destroy Inuit identity and our way of life and those of other indigenous peoples in Canada. The Inuit were forced into permanent settlements with the promise of jobs, housing, safety and education for children. Some were threatened with violence to move. Families were separated, sled dogs were killed and a way of life was irreversibly altered.
Many elders are still alive today to recount those horrific events and, shamefully, many of those decisions that led to the violence and colonization of Inuit during that time are still being perpetuated to this very day.
I often hear countless stories of heartbreak and hope. All too often, being in poverty prevents many from hopes of achieving a socio-economic status equal to that of Canadians across this country. Nunavummiut understand that there are incredible opportunities to make our communities stronger and a better place for the next generation.
Overcrowded and mouldy homes are at the heart of too many of the challenges we face. Families are forced to live in unsuitable conditions, communicable diseases spread, elders are put into humiliating positions and gender-diverse individuals are forced to stay in dangerous positions.
In a country as rich as Canada, we have traditional knowledge and custom knowledge.
I would like to take the opportunity to work with members to look at our traditional, legal knowledge and philosophy of life, so that we can work together to solve our problems. If we are going to work together, then we need to approve the declaration of the indigenous people.
I will shorten my speech as per your request.
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