- Member of Parliament
- Member of Parliament
- NDP
- Nunavut
- Nunavut
- Voting Attendance: 67%
- Expenses Last Quarter: $178,285.32
- Government Page
- Jun/21/23 2:34:46 p.m.
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Uqaqtittiji, this morning I was honoured to attend the raising of the survivors' flag.
I thought of Monica Ittusardjuat, Ernie Bernhardt, Marie-Lucie Uviluq, the late Marius Tungilik and especially my mom, Carmen Idlout, who survived these horrible institutions.
Survivors, without intention, pass on trauma to the next generations. The Liberal government's inaction allows intergenerational trauma to continue.
When will the government act to ensure that future generations can live with pride, dignity and respect?
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Uqaqtittiji, I rise today with fond memories, having attended Ataguttaaluk High School in Igloolik in my riding. I send out a special thanks to the Igloolik District Education Authority, Igloolik elders, Nunavut Research Institute, the late Graham Rowley, Susan Rowley, Carolyn MacDonald and John MacDonald. These amazing groups and individuals delivered an archaeology credit course that contributed to my high school diploma. I share my speech today, realizing how investments for youth can have lasting impacts. Qujalivakka. I am so grateful to them.
Bill C-23, an act respecting places, persons and events of national historic significance or national interest, archaeological resources and cultural and natural heritage is of particular importance to indigenous peoples in Canada.
I am glad to see, in Bill C-23, that roles are provided for indigenous peoples in determining historic places. It is great to see that the bill responds to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's call to action 79. Specifically, the bill would add three members to the Historic Sites and Monuments Board, from first nations, Métis and Inuit groups. In addition, it would compel Parks Canada to incorporate indigenous knowledge into the designation and commemoration of historic sites.
Unfortunately, what the bill would do is not enough. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission's calls to action set a framework, and this framework should have been used in ensuring a better legislation.
The TRC call to action 79 specifically reads:
We call upon the federal government, in collaboration with Survivors, Aboriginal organizations, and the arts community, to develop a reconciliation framework for Canadian heritage and commemoration. This would include, but not be limited to:
i. Amending the Historic Sites and Monuments Act to include First Nations, Inuit, and Métis representation on the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada and its Secretariat.
ii. Revising the policies, criteria, and practices of the National Program of Historical Commemoration to integrate Indigenous history, heritage values, and memory practices into Canada’s national heritage and history.
iii. Developing and implementing a national heritage plan and strategy for commemorating residential school sites, the history and legacy of residential schools, and the contributions of Aboriginal peoples to Canada’s history.
In 2017, the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation raised concerns about the state of conservation of the 17 remaining residential schools and said it was urgent for the government to respond to call to action 79. It is unclear to me what has happened since 2017, and whether this bill addresses those concerns.
The Standing Committee on Environment and Sustainable Development's 2017 report entitled “Preserving Canada’s Heritage: The Foundation For Tomorrow” provided clear recommendations, which I will speak to in more detail later.
During its study, the Standing Committee on Environment and Sustainable Development learned that Canada is the only G7 country that has not passed legislation to protect historic places and archaeological resources under its jurisdiction. Unfortunately, alongside many other recommendations not implemented by this government and previous governments, this is not a new recommendation. In 2003, the Office of the Auditor General of Canada also recommended that the federal government strengthen the legal framework built for heritage in Canada.
The committee I mentioned earlier examined the issue of preserving indigenous heritage places. Unsurprisingly, the committee found that indigenous peoples define their heritage in a more holistic manner than the western model. As a result, solutions currently used to protect heritage places must be adapted in order to preserve indigenous heritage places.
The committee amplified the need to implement TRC calls to action 72 to 75, which create the process to commemorate the indigenous children who never returned to their families. Canada’s heritage includes genocide of indigenous peoples. As such, incorporating these calls to action is just as important as implementing call to action number 79. Indigenous peoples should be able to protect their own heritage. Indigenous-led heritage would involve coordination among communities, elders and knowledge keepers.
I will conclude by entering into the record recommendation 17 from the committee's report.
Recommendation 17 of the report also recommended that:
The Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada revise the policies, criteria, and practices of the National Program of Historical Commemoration to integrate Indigenous history, heritage values, and memory practices into Canada’s national heritage and history.
Parks Canada develop and implement a national heritage plan and strategy for commemorating and, where appropriate, conserving residential school sites, the history and legacy of residential schools, and the contributions of Indigenous peoples to Canada’s history.
The federal government, in collaboration with Residential School Survivors, commission and install a publicly accessible, highly visible, Residential Schools National Monument in the city of Ottawa to honour Survivors and all the children who were lost to their families and communities.
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Uqaqtittiji, the member's question is an important one.
Based on the composition and the nominating bodies, it is very important to make sure that we always keep in mind who this reconciliation council is for. It is to make sure that survivors are heard and that elders are heard. We know for a fact that indigenous individuals are the ones who have suffered the most. It is those people we need to honour and make sure their voices are prevalent in the work of the council for reconciliation.
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Uqaqtittiji, I thank my constituents in Nunavut who continue to reach out and give me encouragement in this work. The faith they give me drives my work and continued commitment to ensure that their voices are amplified in this place.
I speak passionately as an Inuk, and I am guided by the voices shared with me by first nations and Métis. I thank the many indigenous peoples in Canada to whom I dedicate this speech.
Inuit and first nations thrived on these lands we now call Canada for generations before the arrival of settlers. Métis have thrived in Canada. Much to the chagrin of settlers, Inuit, first nations and Métis still use our cultures, languages and practices.
Unfortunately, there are still far too many indigenous peoples whose experiences show the constant disparity between Canadians and indigenous peoples. In support of the need to pass Bill C-29, I share some of these disparities and some basic words that have such disparate treatments between most Canadians and indigenous peoples in Canada.
On reproductive care, most Canadian women get proper guidance, they easily talk about birth control and do not have to worry about their pregnancies. Indigenous women still experience unconsented sterilization, do not get proper birth control guidance and must worry about nutrition due to a lack of accessible nutritious food.
Most Canadian women give birth in places with which they are completely familiar, with doctors and nurses they recognize, and the comfort in knowing that the system will be ready for any urgent issue that may arise while giving birth. Some indigenous women must leave their home communities and travel thousands of kilometres to give birth a month in advance. The doctors and nurses are not indigenous, may not necessarily speak their language and they may worry that their newborn baby may be taken by social services.
Love for most Canadians can be unconditional. The love between generations provides the financial stability, educational goals and freedom to choose to transfer a property from one generation to the next. For too many indigenous peoples, love is short lived, tainted by intergenerational trauma and little to no guarantees about the financial security needed for the next generation.
Education for most Canadians is having one teacher preside over many children and youth. It is a system rooted in colonial history, with Canada's successes. While there have been improvements, it is still largely without the history of how indigenous peoples were treated by assimilationist policies, which are still plaguing indigenous peoples. For indigenous peoples, it was a process of genocide and indoctrination. Indigenous children were emotionally, physically and sexually abused by so-called teachers. Some children never returned to their indigenous parents. Instead, they were buried next to the school that was supposed to take the Indian out of the child.
The RCMP for most Canadians is an institution whose members they can recognize and call upon to be protected. For indigenous peoples, it is a current and ongoing enforcer of systemic racism. It is still very fresh in my mind when RCMP officers, who were equipped with assault weapons, helicopters, dogs and a chainsaw, were breaking down the doors of indigenous women who were seeking to defend their lands against the unconsented project to cross their ancestral lands. There is also a lack of presence in other places where gang violence and squatters are allowed on indigenous lands.
Violence, for most Canadians. are the things they watch on TV screens, in movie theatres or some far away social media. For most indigenous peoples, it is a common experience. From childhood to the dying days of elders, violence is surrounding our lives.
Justice, for most Canadians, occurs quite quickly. For indigenous peoples, it takes generations, if any. Justice has tests to meet to determine if it is justifiably infringed. Justice for indigenous peoples will continue in jails and in gravesites.
Missing and murdered, for most Canadians, are terms they hear in the media about indigenous women. For indigenous families, it is a far too common experience. Reports after reports are not making the systemic changes to stop this genocide. There are far too many basic emotions to express all the heartache experienced by indigenous peoples.
Crisis is another word we hear all too often in the House. First nations, Métis and Inuit have been experiencing crisis for generations. Let us choose to be more careful when we use the word crisis in the House.
Suicide is something that has been a reality for far too long in Canada. For most Canadians, it is a debate on legislation that allows people who are suffering medical conditions to choose. Suicide, for indigenous communities, is something chosen by youth because they have no hope left. I am still hurt, and it is still very fresh in my mind, about the young pregnant woman who committed suicide because she was given the news that she would not have a home.
Reconciliation, for most Canadians, is a term on which the federal government needs to act. There is no sense of obligation for regular Canadians. It is a term used by politicians to make promises during campaigns. It is a term that costs too much, so the piecemeal approach is often taken.
I have not even mentioned the environment, housing, culture, languages and so much more. These disparities demand that the national council for reconciliation finally be established. I thank the work of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which heard and voiced such important calls to action. The national council on reconciliation must take a rights-based approach to monitoring the work of the government, whose side of reconciliation has failed for generations to date.
I conclude by sharing names of some indigenous role models who have proven indigenous peoples are vibrant, strong and vital to the continued success of indigenous peoples. These people are leaders and voices we must continue to amplify as they are the ones who have advanced reconciliation, whether they tried to or not.
This is an incomplete list and I challenge members to name more: Governor General Mary Simon, Sheila Watt-Cloutier, Okalik Eegeesiak, Dalee Sambo Dorough, Cindy Blackstock, the member for Winnipeg Centre, Justice Murray Sinclair, John Amagoalik, Tagak Curley, former member of Parliament Romeo Saganash, John Borrows, Tracey Lindberg, Duncan McCue, Pam Palmeter and James Eetoolook. I know this is not an exhaustive list in any way.
We must all do what we can to ensure the national council on reconciliation is established. Through the great work of the interim board, we will see the advancement of indigenous peoples' rights, the advancement of self-determination and the expectation that the federal government does better to support the work of indigenous peoples in Canada.
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- Oct/25/22 7:05:25 p.m.
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Uqaqtittiji, we are told there is no relationship more important than the one with indigenous peoples, yet the government is funding law enforcement that upholds the systemic racism that has existed for too long. To this day, these institutions have failed to adequately respond to important work led by indigenous peoples, including the MMIWG calls for justice.
If the federal government will not divert these funds from its colonial institutions, how will it ensure that such agencies discontinue the systemic racism it continues to perpetuate?
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- Oct/25/22 6:59:14 p.m.
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Uqaqtittiji, residential school survivors continue to live abuses from the government. The government says it is acting. Out of the 106 applications for burial searches, 84 have been approved. This is not enough.
This week in Winnipeg, researchers, academics and first nations communities from all over the country are gathering to share what they have learned in their search for unmarked graves at former residential schools. This is important work. The federal government has a responsibility to make good on its promises and do its part.
The funding currently promised is critical and validates what indigenous peoples had been saying for decades. For too long, first nations, Métis and Inuit were ignored when they shared their stories about the loved ones they lost to the residential school system. All these decades of being ignored have stifled the path to healing. It is outrageous that indigenous communities must beg and plead for funding. Delays on delivering the promises made must stop. Inuit, Métis and first nations have been given far too many promises that have not been acted on.
The Minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations said, “Some have said it could take up to 10 years, and the worst thing to see would be for any government to step away from that commitment. We will keep doing it, but at their pace.”
In budget 2022, there was one curious line item. It said the budget would provide $5.1 million to Public Safety Canada to ensure the Royal Canadian Mounted Police could support community-led responses to unmarked graves. By funding the RCMP instead of supporting indigenous-led organizations, such as Survivors' Secretariat, the government is supporting further practices of colonialism.
Why are these funds not directly funding indigenous peoples to heal from the shameful legacy of residential schools and colonialism?
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- Sep/29/22 2:48:39 p.m.
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Uqaqtittiji, indigenous communities deserve justice and a chance to heal from the legacy of residential schools. The government promised $200 million in funding for burial site searches but has delivered less than half of that money. It is shameful that the government is denying indigenous communities the funding needed to search for their lost children and for vital mental health supports.
When will the government provide the funding indigenous communities were promised to bring these children home?
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[Member spoke in Inuktitut and provided the following text:]
ᐅᖃᖅᑎᑦᑎᔨ, ᐊᒃᓱᐊᓗᒃ ᖁᕕᐊᓱᒃᐳᖓ ᒪᑭᑦᑕᕆᐊᒃᓴᖅ ᑖᒃᓱᒥᖓ ᒪᓕᒐᒃᓴᖅ S-21 ᑕᐃᔭᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᓯᓚᖅᔪᐊᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᓈᓇᒋᔭᖅᓄᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᓕᕆᓂᖅ ᐅᓪᓗᖅ ᐃᓕᑕᕆᔭᐅᖁᓪᓗᒍ.
ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᖃᕈᒪᓪᓗᖓ ᖁᔭᓕᒍᒪᓪᓗᒋ ᐃᓄᒃᑎᑐᑦ ᐃᓕᓴᐃᔨᒋᓚᐅᖅᑕᒃᑲ ᐸᓛᓐᑎᓇ ᒪᒃᑭᒃ, ᒫᓂᑲ ᐸᓂᐸᑯᑐᒃ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒫᓂᑲ ᐃᑦᑐᒃᓵᖅᔪᐊᖅ.
ᐃᖅᑲᐅᒪᓪᓚᕆᒃᑕᒃᑲ ᐃᓕᓴᐃᔨᑦᑎᐊᕙᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ. ᕐᑯᔭᓕᕐᑲᑕᐅᔪᒪᔪᖓ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕆᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᕙᓚᐅᖅᓯᒪᔪᓕᒫᓂᒃ. ᐊᒃᓱᕈᖅᑎᑕᐅᔪᒃᑰᒻᒪᕆᓚᐅᖅᑎᓪᓗᓯ ᒫᓐᓇᒧ ᑎᑭᐅᑎᓯᒪᑎᑦᑎᕐᑲᑕᐅᒐᓯ.
ᑭᖑᓪᓕᕐᒥᒃ ᕐᑯᔭᓕᒍᒪᔭᒃᑲ ᐃᓐᓇᒻᒪᕇᑦ. ᐊᒃᓱᐊᓗᒃ ᓇᒡᓕᒋᕙᓯ. ᕐᑭᑐᕐᖓᓯᓐᓂ ᐊᖅᓵᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᓚᐅᕋᓗᐊᖅᖠᓯᒃ ᓇᒡᓕᖕᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᒫᓐᓇᒧᑦ ᑎᑭᐅᑎᓯᒪᕐᑲᑕᐅᓯᒪᓪᓚᕆᒃᑲᓯ.
[Member provided the following translation:]
Mr. Speaker, it is a tremendous honour to speak today, as I represent Nunavummiut, on Bill S-21, an act to establish international mother language day.
I would like to begin by sharing my gratitude to the Inuktitut teachers I had in grade school: Blandina Makkik, Monica Panipakutsuk and Monica Ittusardjuat. They were such kind and caring teachers.
I share my gratitude with the former residential school students. Despite the abuses you suffered, you have contributed to our well-being and where we stand today.
Finally, I must acknowledge the indigenous elders, especially those whose children were taken from them. It is by your love and care we are able to thrive today. I care very much for your well-being.
[English]
What I just said was translated from my mother language into English, one of the two official languages.
In my statement today, I will speak about why passing this bill can contribute to a greater understanding of Canada's history toward its treatment of Inuit, Métis and first nations. I will begin with the extraordinary story of the late Clara Quassa of Igloolik. Mrs. Quassa briefly shared her story in an interview available on isuma.tv.
I remember her fondly as a gentle elder. What I did not know until a few weeks ago is that she was forced to send her five children to a residential school in Chesterfield Inlet. She was forced to send them about 800 kilometres away.
She had no more children in her home because they were all sent to Chesterfield Inlet. She remembers them crying when going on the plane. She said that when they returned from the residential school, they were different. She does remember fondly that they still spoke Inuktitut.
One of her children died after being sent to some other facility. She was told where her daughter's grave was, but Clara died having yearned to see her daughter's grave. Despite all of this, I can see her legacy in her adult children, grandchildren and great grandchildren. When I return to Igloolik, I see and hear them speaking in Inuktitut. I see them cherishing her fondly.
What I despair to share is that her story is not unique. There are far too many Inuit, first nations people and Métis who have stories similar to hers. Canada is founded on Inuit, Métis and first nations lands. Canada thrives as a first world country based on the injustices it caused to indigenous peoples. While Métis, first nations people and Inuit have been voicing their stories for generations, their voices were suppressed, ignored and not allowed to be understood by mainstream society.
Canada is a so-called bilingual country with two official languages, English and French. Meanwhile, UNESCO estimates that 75% of indigenous languages in Canada are endangered. Regular Canadians, settlers, have also been victims of Canada's colonial history. Regular Canadians, settlers, have been robbed of their sense of being Canadian. After all, many are proud of being Canadian. What most do not realize is that they are proud of Canada's suppression. They are proud of Canada's oppressive policies. They are proud of colonial laws and policies that continue to impact current generations through intergenerational trauma. They are proud of the chronic underfunding that ensures that Inuit, first nations and Métis remain suppressed, in poverty, undereducated and not able to overcome the mental health challenges of intergenerational trauma.
Indeed, I myself used to be proud to celebrate Canada Day. I too was robbed through Canada's colonial education system. During my participation in the PROC study on the viability of indigenous languages in federal elections, I learned more about first nations and the extent of how endangered their languages are. We were provided data by Statistics Canada reflecting 2017 figures. There are over 70 indigenous languages spoken in Canada, but only 15.6% of the indigenous population have the ability to have conversations in any of these mother languages. We were told that only 170 of those who identify as Kutenai, 255 of those who identify as Tlingit and 455 of those who identify as Haida speak their mother language. These figures must be understood in terms of just how strong Canada's colonial laws and policies are today. The extent to which these languages are endangered shows just how hard we must all work to indigenize Canada's history. We must ensure that all first nations, Inuit and Métis are supported and resourced in order for these beautiful mother languages to be revitalized.
I am thankful to both Bangladesh and UNESCO, which in 1999 proposed that International Mother Language Day be established. By 2002, it was recognized by the United Nations General Assembly. I understand that starting in 1948, the Bengali stood up to the imposition of Urdu by the Government of Pakistan in Bangladesh. I am thankful the Bengali people demanded that their mother language be an official language alongside Urdu. The atrocities experienced by the Bengali are physically and collectively terrible. Once the Bengali demanded change, many were injured and killed at a protest organized by students of the University of Dhaka against the government's repression of Bengali. This protest happened on February 21, 1952. Qujannamiik to the Bengali people. We must acknowledge their enormous sacrifices and celebrate their history.
I must acknowledge what has been attempted to promote and protect indigenous languages. In 2014, Matthew Kellway, a New Democrat, introduced a private member's bill to recognize this day. As we debate this today, we know it did not pass. We now have the Indigenous Languages Act, which created the position of the indigenous languages commissioner. I had the pleasure of meeting the indigenous languages commissioner, Ronald Ignace, and directors Robert Watt, Georgina Liberty and Joan Greyeyes, at their first meeting here in Ottawa. I look forward to the great work they will do to promote and protect indigenous languages.
I do suggest that the bill be amended to replace the word “aboriginal” with the word “indigenous”.
I conclude by stating that the federal government must provide the same resources, rights and privileges to indigenous languages as it does for the two official languages. I conclude that I will gladly support the passing of this bill into law.
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- May/30/22 2:49:29 p.m.
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Uqaqtittiji, the legacy of colonialism is deep. Former students, now parents and grandparents, told churches and governments about the loss of their loved ones. They were ignored.
Unmarked graves are now being found and many more will show the truth of what was hidden. Indigenous peoples need the resources to support each other in these traumatic experiences.
Will the government provide funding directly to indigenous organizations, communities and families to help with healing, instead of giving funds to the RCMP?
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- May/17/22 2:47:44 p.m.
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Uqaqtittiji, discovering burial sites outside former residential schools is difficult for indigenous peoples, and it should be for all Canadians. The government promised to provide support to indigenous communities looking for their children. Yesterday, the minister admitted that many of the promises the government made have no timeline for completion.
First nations and Inuit are still asking for resources to recover bodies and for help to heal from the trauma of these discoveries. Why is the government not delivering faster on its promises to support indigenous communities?
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- Dec/2/21 6:24:40 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time with the member for Skeena—Bulkley Valley.
I will be delivering my speech in Inuktitut, so I encourage members to put their earpieces on.
[Member spoke in Inuktitut and provided the following text:]
ᐅᖃᖅᑎᑦᑎᔨ,
ᖁᕕᐊᓱᒃᐳᖓ ᐃᓅᓪᓗᖓ, ᓄᓇᕗᒻᒥᐅᑕᐅᓪᓗᖓ ᐅᕙᓃᒃᑲᒪ. ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᖅᔪᐊᖑᖃᑎᒐ Edmonton Griesbach ᒥ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᐃᔪᖅ ᐅᖃᖅᑕᖓᓐᓂ ᐊᑐᖃᑕᐅᕗᖓᕙ. ᐊᒃᓱᕈᓇᖅᓯᒪᓂᑰᒧᑦᑕᐅᖅ. ᓯᕗᓪᓕᕐᒥ ᖁᕙᓕᕗᖓ ᐃᓚᓐᓂ, ᐊᑭᓕᖅᓱᖅᑕᐅᓇᓂ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑎᓂᒃ, ᓄᓇᕗᒻᒥᐅᓂᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ NDP ᒃᑯᓐᓂ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑐᐃᔨᒪᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ. ᖃᐅᔨᒪᕗᖓ ᐊᒥᓱᑦ ᑭᐅᓯᑦᑎᐊᒪᕆᑲᐅᑎᒋᔪᓐᓇᖏᒪᑕ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᑯᐃᓐ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᖅᑎᖓᑦᑕ ᐅᓂᒃᑲᐅᑎᓚᐅᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂ.
ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑲᔾᔮᕐᓇᖅᑐᐊᓗᒃ ᐊᖏᔪᐊᓘᓪᓗᓂᓗ. ᖃᐅᔨᒪᑦᑎᐊᖅᑐᖓ ᑐᓴᖅᑕᐅᒐᓱᖕᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐱᕕᑭᑦᑑᓂᖓᓐᓂ. ᐊᒃᓱᕉᑎᖃᐃᓐᓇᕐᓂᐊᖅᐳᖓ ᐅᕙᓂ ᐃᒃᓴᕚᖅᐸᖕᓂᐊᖅᑎᓪᓗᖓ 44ᖑᔪᒥᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᕕᔪᐊᖑᔪᓂᒃ, ᑐᓴᖅᑕᐅᒋᐊᓪᓚᖁᓪᓗᒋ ᓄᓇᖃᖄᖅᓯᒪᔪᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᐱᓐᓇᖅᑐᒻᒪᕆᐅᓂᖏᓐᓂ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᐃᓐᓇᐅᔭᕐᓂᐊᖅᖢᖓ ᓄᓇᒋᔭᑦᑎᓐᓃᑦᑐᑦ ᓴᖏᓂᓕᐊᓘᓂᖏᓐᓂ.
ᐃᓄᐃᑦ, ᓄᓇᖃᖄᖅᓯᒪᔫᖃᑎᕗᓪᓗ ᐊᑯᓂᐊᓗᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖄᖅᓯᒪᕗᒍᑦ. ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᐅᔪᑐᖃᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᖓᓂ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐃᓅᖃᑎᒥᓐᓄᒃ. ᐃᖃᐃᕗᖓ ᔮᓐ ᐊᒪᕈᐊᓕᒃ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᖅᓯᒪᔭᖓᓐᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᑭᐅᖅᑕᖅᑐᕐᒥᐅᑕᐅᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᓐᓄᑦ, 1986ᒥᒃ. ᐅᖃᓚᐅᖅᐳᖅ “ 1947ᒥᒃ ᐃᓅᓚᐅᖅᐳᖓ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓅᓯᖃᖅᓯᒪᓕᖅᐳᖓ 1000ᓂᒃ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓂᒃ”. ᐅᖃᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᓴᖅᑭᑦᑎᓚᐅᖅᐳᖅ ᐱᕕᔾᔪᐊᖑᓂᖓᓐᓂ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᕐᓂᒃ ᑎᒍᒥᐊᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖅ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑭᖑᕚᓄᑦ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᖅᑏᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᒥᒃ. ᑕᐃᓱᒪᓃᓐᓇᖅ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᒥᔪᖅ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᕆᑦᑎᐊᒻᒪᕿᒃᖢᓂ ᐊᑎᖏᓐᓂ ᑭᓇᒃᑯ ᐃᓅᓯᕐᒥᓂᒃ ᑭᐱᓯᓚᐅᕐᒪᖔᑦᑕ. ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᐊᑖᑕᒋᓚᐅᖅᑕᕋ.
ᐃᓅᓯᕋ, ᐊᐃᑦᑖᖑᒐᓗᐊᖅ, ᐊᔾᔨᐅᖏᒻᒪ. ᐊᒥᓲᓗᐊᖅᑐᑦ, ᓄᓇᖃᖅᖄᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑕᐃᒫᑦᑎᐊᖅ ᐅᓂᒃᑲᐅᑎᖃᕐᒥᔪᑦ. ᐃᓕᖅᑯᓯᖅᐳᑦ ᐊᓯᐅᑎᑕᐅᒐᓱᐃᓐᓇᖅᓯᒪᔪᖅᓱᓕ. ᐅᓂᒃᑲᐅᑎᕗᑦ, ᐊᒃᓱᕈᓇᖅᑐᒃᑰᔪᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᓯᒪᓂᖅ, ᑕᐃᓱᒪᓂᑐᖃᐅᖏᑦᑐᖅ. ᒫᓐᓇᒧᓱᓕ ᐱᓂᖅᓗᒃᑕᐅᓯᒪᖃᑦᑕᒻᒪᕆᒃᐳᒍᓱᓕ.
ᑕᐅᑐᖑᐊᖁᕙᓯ. ᐅᕙᓂ ᖃᐅᑕᒫᖅ ᐃᒃᓯᕚᖃᑦᑕᖅᑎᓪᓗᓯ, ᓈᓚᒃᑎᑕᐅᖏᓐᓇᐅᔭᖅᓗᓯ ᐅᕙᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᒃᑎᑐᐃᓐᓇᑦᑎᐊᖅ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᖏᓐᓇᐅᔭᖅᓗᓯ ᐃᓄᒃᑎᑐᐃᓐᓇᑦᑎᐊᖅ. ᑐᓵᔨᖃᕐᓇᓯ, ᑐᓵᔾᔪᑎᖃᕐᓇᓯ, ᕿᔪᐊᕐᔪᕋᓛᑐᐊᖅ. ᖃᓪᓗᓈᑎᑐᑦ ᐅᐃᕖᑎᑐᓪᓘᓐᓃ ᐅᖃᕐᓂᕈᕕᑦ ᓱᑰᕐᓗᒋᑦ. ᑕᐃᒫᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔫᔪᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑎᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᒍᑦ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕆᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᓂᑯᑦ. ᑭᖑᓪᓂᖅᐹᖅ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇᐃᑦᑐᖅ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᖅᕕᒃ ᒪᑐᓚᐅᖅᓯᒪᔪᖅ 1996ᒥᒃ. ᑕᐃᓱᒪᓂᑐᖃᐅᖏᑦᑐᖅ. ᐊᒥᓲᓗᐊᖅᑐᓱᓕ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓱᓕ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕆᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᓯᒪᓂᑯᓂᒃ ᑭᖑᕚᕆᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᒃᓱᕈᕐᓇᖅᑐᒃᑰᖅᑐᓱᓕ. ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᐅᖏᑦᑐᑦ, ᐊᓯᐅᓯᒪᖏᑦᑐᑦ. ᐱᕕᖃᖅᐳᒍ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᕐᔪᐊᖑᑎᓪᓗᑕ ᑎᓕᐅᕆᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᒍᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᑲᔪᖁᔨᑦᑎᐊᒃᑲᓐᓂᖁᓪᓗᒋᑦ. ᐋᕿᒃᓯᒋᐊᖁᔨᓪᓗᑕ. ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔫᔪᑎᒍᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᑦ ᓴᐳᓐᓂᐊᕐᓗᒋᑦ.
ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐃᔨᖅᓯᓯᒪᒐᓱᖕᓂᖅ ᑎᑭᐅᑎᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐊᒥᓲᓗᐊᖅᑐᖅ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓵᓚᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐅᐃᕆᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᒥᓲᓗᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᓅᓯᕐᒥᓂᒃ ᑭᐱᓯᔪᑦ. ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᐊᒥᓲᓗᐊᕐᓂᖏᑦ ᑐᓴᐅᒪᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᕙᒃᑲ ᑭᐅᔭᕿᐊᖃᕐᓂᒃᓂᒃ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᑯᐃᓐ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᖅᑎᖓᑦᑕ ᐊᒃᓱᕉᑎᒋᓗᒋᑦ.
ᑕᐃᒪᖓᓂ ᑲᓇᑕ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᖃᑦᑎᐊᖅᓯᒪᖏᓚᑦ ᐃᓄᖕᓂ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ. ᐃᓅᓯᖃᖅᐳᒍ ᓄᖑᑎᕆᔭᐅᒐᓱᓚᐅᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᖃᖄᖅᓯᒪᔫᓚᐅᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᓅᒐᓱᐊᕈᑎᒋᓚᐅᖅᑕᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ. ᐊᒥᓱᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᕋᓛᕐᓅᖅᑎᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᐳᑦ ᐱᔪᒪᓵᕈᑕᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔮᑦᑎᐊᕙᓐᓂ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᑦᑕᓇᖅᑐᒦᖏᓐᓂᖅᓴᐅᓂᐊᓂᒥᒃ, ᐅᕙᓘᓐᓃ ᐱᓂᕐᓗᒃᑕᐅᓛᖏᓐᓂᖏᓐᓂ. ᐊᒥᓱᑦ ᐊᓚᒌᒃᑐᑦ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᐳᑦ, ᕿᒻᒥᖏᑦ ᑐᖁᕋᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓅᓯᖏᑦ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᖅᑕᐅᒻᒪᕆᓚᐅᖅᐳᑦ.
ᒫᓐᓇᐅᔪᖅ ᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ ᐆᒪᔪᑦ ᐅᓂᒃᑲᐅᑎᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᑐᓚᐅᖅᑕᕐᒥᓐᓂᒃ. ᐊᐃᑦᑕᓪᓛᓗᖔ, ᐊᒥᓱᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᕙᓚᐅᖅᑐᑦ ᑲᔪᓯᒪᓂᖃᕐᒪᑕ, ᐅᓪᓗᒥᒧᑦ.
ᑐᓴᐅᒪᑎᑕᐅᖏᓐᓇᐅᔭᖅᐳᖓ ᐋᓐᓂᐊᕈᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᑭᓯᐊᓐᓂᑕᐅᖅ ᓂᕆᐅᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᓯᕗᓂᒃᓴᑦᑎᐊᕙᓐᓂᒃ. ᐊᐃᑦᑖᖑᒐᓗᐊᖅ ᐊᒥᓱᑦ ᐊᔪᖅᓴᖅᑐᒦᑦᑎᑕᐅᖏᓐᓇᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᓴᐱᕐᓇᑲᓴᒃᑐᖅ ᓇᓕᒧᔪᒥᒃ ᑮᓇᐅᔾᔭᒃᓴᓂᐊᓂᒥᒃ. ᓄᓇᕗᒻᒥᐅᑦ ᑐᑭᓯᑦᑎᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᒥᓱᓂᒃ ᐱᑕᖃᐅᕋᓗᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂ ᓄᓇᓖᑦ ᐱᕕᖃᕈᓐᓇᓂᖏᓐᓂ ᓯᕗᓂᒃᓴᑎᐊᕙᒥ ᑭᖑᕚᒋᔭᒃᓴᓐᓄᑦ ᐸᕐᓇᐃᑦᑎᐊᕈᓐᓇᓂᒥᒃ.
ᐃᒡᓗᑭᒃᓴᓗᐊᕐᓂᖅ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᖁᖅᑐᒦᑦᑐ ᑐᖓᕕᐊᓪᓚᕆᒪᑕ ᐊᒃᓱᕈᓇᖅᑐᒃᑰᕈᑕᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ. ᐃᓚᒌᒃ ᐃᒡᓗᖃᖅᑎᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᓈᒪᖏᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᓂ, ᖃᓂᒻᒪᑖᕈᑎᓕᒻᒦᑐᓂᒃ, ᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ ᑲᙳᓇᖅᑐᒃᑰᑎᑕᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᕐᓇᐃᑦ ᑭᒃᑯᑐᐃᓐᓇᐃᓪᓗ ᐊᑦᑕᓇᖅᑐᒦᑎᑕᐅᖏᓐᓇᖅᖢᑎᒃ.
ᑲᓇᑕ, ᑮᓇᐅᔭᓕᐊᓘᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐃᒡᓗᓕᕆᓂᒨᖅᑎᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᖏᓐᓂᖏᑦ ᐅᔾᔨᕐᓇᕈᑕᐅᕗᖅ ᐃᒃᐱᓐᓂᐊᕆᑦᑎᐊᖏᒻᒪᑕ ᑳᓇᑕ, ᖃᓄᐃᓯᒪᐃᓐᓇᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂ. ᐅᖃᕈᒪᒋᓪᓗᖓ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓴᖏᓂᓕᐊᓘᒪᑕ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᖃᕈᓐᓇᑎᐊᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᖃᓚᐅᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂ ᒐᕙᒪᐅᔪᒥᒃ ᓴᖅᑭᑦᑎᓪᓗᑎᑦ ᑕᑯᔭᐅᓚᐅᖅᓯᒪᖏᑦᑐᓂᑦ ᐊᖏᑎᒋᔪᓂᒃ ᑐᕌᖓᔪᓄᑦ ᐃᒡᓗᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᖁᑎᕐᔪᐊᓄᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖏᓐᓂ. ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᐊᙳᒻᒪᑎᑦᑎᓪᓚᑦᑖᕐᓂᐊᕈᑎ ᐃᓄᖕᓂ ᐱᓗᐊᖅᑐᒥᒃ ᐃᓗᓕᕆᓂᖅ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᖁᑎᕐᔪᐊᕐᓂᒃ ᐱᑕᖃᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᐊᖅᐳᖅ ᐸᕐᓇᐃᓯᒪᐃᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᖓᓂ ᐃᒡᓗᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᓂᒃ ᓇᓕᒧᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᖏᔪᕐᔪᐊᓂᒃ ᑲᓇᑖᕋᓱᐊᓂᐅᓚᐅᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᑕᐃᒪᖓᓂ. ᐊᕕᒃᑐᖅᓯᒪᔫᔪᒍᑦ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᐅᖃᑎᒌᒋᐊᖃᕐᓂᐊᖅᐳᒍ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᑦᑎᐊᓪᓚᑖᖅᓗᑕ ᐊᑯᓂᐅᔪᒃᓴᕐᒥᒃ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᕐᔪᐊᓂᒃ ᐱᒋᐊᕐᓗᒍ 2022 ᐊᑐᕐᑕᐅᔪᒃᓴᐅᓛᖅᑐᓂᒃ.
ᓄᓇᕗᑦ, ᓄᓇᖃᖄᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᓖᑦ ᑐᐊᕕᕐᓇᖅᑐᒦᖏᓐᓇᖅᐳᑦ ᐃᒥᑦᑎᐊᕙᓕᕆᓂᐅᑉ ᒥᒃᓵᓄᑦ. ᐃᖃᓗᐃᑦ ᐃᒥᑦᑎᐊᕙᖃᕈᓐᓃᓚᐅᕐᓂᖓ ᖁᒃᓴᓪᓚᕈᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᐳᖅ ᑲᓇᑕᓕᒫᕐᒥᒃ. ᐊᒥᓱᑦ ᐅᒃᐱᕈᓱᓚᐅᖏᑦᑐᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇᐃᑦᑐᓐᓇᓂᖓᓐᓂ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᕐᒥᒃ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓄ ᐃᓂᒋᓪᓗᐊᑕᖅᑕᖓᓐᓂ.
ᖁᔭᓕᒍᒪᕙᒃᑲ ᐃᖃᓗᒥᐅᑕᐃᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᖓᓐ ᐊᒃᑑᐸᒥᒃ ᐱᒋᐊᓚᐅᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦᑎᐊᓕᓚᐅᒪᑕ. ᐊᒥᓲᓗᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᑯᓂᐅᓗᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᒥᑦᑎᐊᕙᐅᓪᓗᐊᖅᑐᓂᑦ ᑐᐊᕕᓇᑐᒃᑰᑎᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ. ᓲᕐᓗ ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᒃ, ᓴᓂᑭᓗᐊᖅ, ᑲᖏᖅᑐᒑᐱᒃ, ᐃᒡᓗᓕᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑎᑭᕐᕋᔪᐊᖅ, ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒋᔭᑦᑎᓂ. ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑐᐃᓐᓇᐅᔪᑦ. ᐊᒥᓱᒪᕆᐊᓗᐃᑦ ᐃᒻᒥᑎᐊᕙᖃᖏᑦᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᒦᑦᑐᑦ, ᑕᐃᒫᑎᒋᑦᑎᐊᖅ ᑐᐊᕕᕐᓇᖅᑐᒃᑰᑎᑕᐅᓯᒪᐃᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ.
ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐅᖃᐃᓐᓇᓂᐊᒥᔪᑦ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᒪᑕᒎᖅ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᐃᒪᐃᒻᒪ. Liberalᑯ ᓱᕋᐃᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᑐᓂᐊᓂᕋᓚᐅᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂ ᓄᓇᓕᓕᒫᑦ ᐱᖃᓂᐊᓂᕋᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᐃᒥᑦᑎᐊᕙᓂ. ᓱᕋᐃᖏᓐᓇᓗᐊᒪᑕ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᔾᔨᕈᓱᑦᑎᐊᒃᑲᓐᓂᖅᐸᑕ ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᐅᓂᖓᓐᓂ, ᐃᑲᔪᐊᓂᒃᓯᒪᔾᔭᖏᓚᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂ.
ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᖃᕆᐊᖃᓂᖏᓐᓂ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᔾᔨᐅᖏᓚᖅ. ᐊᒥᓲᓗᐊᕐᖢᑎᒃ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᑕᐅᖏᑦᑐᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᐊᓂᖃᕐᓂᐊᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ. ᐃᒃᐱᖕᓂᐊᕆᓪᓚᑖᖅᐳᖓ ᓯᕗᓂᒃᓴᖃᑦᑎᐊᕈᓐᓇᓂᖅᓴᐅᒐᑦᑕ ᓈᒪᒃᓴᖃᑎᒌᓕᕐᒧᑦ. ᒫᓐᓇᐅᔪᖅ, ᐱᕕᖃᕈᓐᓇᖅᐳᒍ ᐃᓕᑕᖅᓯᓂᖅᒥᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔫᔪᒍᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᖁᑎᖃᕐᓂᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖃᓄᖅᑑᕈᓐᓇᓂᒥᒃ ᐊᑐᓕᒃᑲᓐᓂᖁᓂᕐᒧᑦ, ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᖅᔪᐊᖑᑎᓪᓗᑕ.
ᐅᖃᖅᑎᑦᑎᔨ, ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᔪᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕆᔭᕐᒪ ᐅᖓᑖᒍ ᐱᑕᖃᐅᒥᔪᖅ. ᓯᕗᓂᒃᓴᕐᒥᒃ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕆᒃᑲᓐᓂᓛᖅᑕᒃᑲ ᓲᕐᓗ, ᓂᕿᖃᑦᑎᐊᖏᑦᑐᑦ, ᐊᓯᔾᔨᕆᐊᖃᓂᖓ ᐃᑲᔪᕈᑕᐅᓲᑦ ᓂᐅᕕᕐᕕᖕᓄᑦ ᐊᑭᑭᓪᓕᒋᐊᖅᑎᑎᔾᔪᑎᓂᒃ ᓂᕿᓂᒃ, ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑐᐃᓂᑦ ᐊᖑᓇᓱᑦᑎᓂᒃ, ᒥᖅᓱᖅᑎᓂᒃ, ᓴᓇᖑᐊᖅᑎᓂᑦ, ᑎᑎᕋᐅᔭᖅᑎᓂᒃ, ᐃᖕᖏᖅᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᓇᑕᐅᑎᓗᒋᑦ ᖃᓂᒪᓐᓇᕈᑏ, ᓲᕐᓗ ᐳᕙᓪᓗᓂᖅ.
ᐊᔭᐅᖅᑐᐃᔨᒻᒪᕆᒋᔭᐅᑎᓪᓗᖓ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑯᐃᓐ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᖅᑎᖏᑦᑕ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᖄᓯᒪᔪᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᓐᓄᑦ, ᐊᔭᐅᖅᑐᖅᓗᒋᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᑐᓕᖁᓪᓗᒋ ᐱᖁᔨᕗᖔᕈᑎᓕᐅᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᕐᓇᐃᑦ ᑐᖁᑕᐅᔪᕕᓃᑦ ᐊᓯᐅᓯᒪᔪᕕᓃᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑭᓪᓕᓯᓂᐊᖅᑏᑦ ᓈᒻᒪᖃᒃᓯᖃᑎᒌᖁᓕᕐᓂᒧᑦ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᑐᓕᖁᔭᐅᔪᕕᓃᑦ. ᓄᖅᑲᖅᑎᑦᑎᖁᔨᓂᖅ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᖑᖅᑎᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᑯᑎᒍ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓇᓕᒧᑎᑕᐅᓯᒪᖏᓐᓂᒃᑯᑦ, Wet’suwet’en ᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᕐᓇᖏᑦ, ᐃᓐᓇᖏᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᒥᓐᓂ ᓴᐳᔾᔨᓇᓱᒃᑐᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒪᒥᓴᕆᐊᖃᕐᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᒥᒃ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕆᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᓯᒪᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᖏᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᓂᖏᓐᓂ. ᐊᒃᓱᕉᑎᖃᓂᐊᐳᖓ 1960ᖏᓐᓂ ᑎᒍᐊᖅᑕᐅᖃᑦᑕᓂᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐳᕙᓗᓂᒧᑦ ᐊᐅᓪᓚᖅᑎᑕᐅᕙᓂᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᓗᐊᕐᖢᒋᑦ ᐃᓗᕖᑦ ᓇᓂᔭᐅᕙᓪᓕᐊᖏᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕕᕕᓂᕐᓂᒃ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᖏᓐᓇᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋ 44ᖑᔪᒥᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕕᔪᐊᒥᒃ.
ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᓯᒪᓕᖅᑐᑦ ᑲᓇᑕ ᖃᓄᐃᕐᓗᓂᕆᓚᐅᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᒃᑐᐊᓂᖃᐃᓐᓇᓂᖏᓐᓂ. ᒪᒥᐊᑦᑐᒦᑐᐃᓐᓇᕈᓐᓃᖅᑕ ᑐᕌᖓᓚᐅᖅᒥᑕ ᓄᑖᕐᒥᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒌᑦᑎᐊᓂᒥᒃ ᐃᓄᖕᓂ ᓄᓇᖃᖄᖅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃᓗ. ᓴᖅᑭᔮᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕆᓯᑐᖅ ᓈᒪᖃᑎᒌᑦᑎᐊᓕᕐᓂᒧᖅ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᒪᕆᓗᓯ ᓲᕐᓗ ᒪᓕᒐᕐᔪᐊᕐᒥᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᓯᓚᕐᔪᐊᕐᒥᒃ ᑎᒥᐅᔪᓄᑦ.
ᖁᔭᓐᓇᒦᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᑎᑦᑎᔨ
[Inuktitut text interpreted as follows:]
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to stand here today, an Inuk from Nunavut. Like my colleague, the member for Edmonton Griesbach, said, I am here following extraordinary circumstances. I first thank my family, volunteers, Nunavummiut and the NDP for supporting me to be here. It is a privilege to have the opportunity to respond to the throne speech.
Nunavut is a beautiful territory that spans millions of kilometres. I know the challenge of being here and of being heard. I am committed to ensuring that, with my seat in this 44th Parliament, Nunavummiut, first nations, Métis and Inuit are heard and are touted for the strength that exists in our communities.
All indigenous people, Inuit, first nations and Métis have been here on these lands since time immemorial. The knowledge passed from generation to generation still exists in the first peoples. I remember and am reminded of John Amagoalik when he spoke to the Inuit Circumpolar Council in 1986. He said, “I was born in 1947, but I have lived a thousand years.” At that time, he was only 39 years old. In that statement, he showed the burden of holding knowledge and the need to pass it on for the future generations.
Within that same speech, John Amagoalik named a few people who were known to have died by suicide, including my father. My life, unfortunately, is not a unique story. There are too many Inuit, first nations and Métis who share my story. Our stories of tragedy, of injustice, are not just history; we are still facing colonial acts of violence to this day.
Imagine, sitting here every day, being forced to listen to me speak and me teaching those people here only in Inuktitut with no interpreter services, no devices, only a yardstick. Imagine me hitting members' hands with that yardstick each time I heard them speak English or French. This was the reality of first nations, Métis and Inuit in residential schools. It hurts us. We suffered a lot, going through the residential school system. The last residential school closed in 1996. That history is not long gone. It is still present today. Many first nations, Métis and Inuit still suffer from the intergenerational trauma imposed upon us by governments.
Those governments are not long gone either, but now we have an opportunity as parliamentarians to instruct the federal government to do better, to ensure justice, to uphold indigenous rights.
The attempt to hide this colonial history has driven far too many first nations, Métis and Inuit to addictions and too many, ultimately, to suicide. It is all of those too frequent stories of colonial violence that drive me to respond to the Speech from the Throne very critically. I wish to address it that way as an indigenous person.
Canada's relationship with Inuit and indigenous peoples has been very fractured right from the beginning. We are still living through the realities of systematic government action that sought to destroy Inuit identity and our way of life and those of other indigenous peoples in Canada. The Inuit were forced into permanent settlements with the promise of jobs, housing, safety and education for children. Some were threatened with violence to move. Families were separated, sled dogs were killed and a way of life was irreversibly altered.
Many elders are still alive today to recount those horrific events and, shamefully, many of those decisions that led to the violence and colonization of Inuit during that time are still being perpetuated to this very day.
I often hear countless stories of heartbreak and hope. All too often, being in poverty prevents many from hopes of achieving a socio-economic status equal to that of Canadians across this country. Nunavummiut understand that there are incredible opportunities to make our communities stronger and a better place for the next generation.
Overcrowded and mouldy homes are at the heart of too many of the challenges we face. Families are forced to live in unsuitable conditions, communicable diseases spread, elders are put into humiliating positions and gender-diverse individuals are forced to stay in dangerous positions.
In a country as rich as Canada, we have traditional knowledge and custom knowledge.
I would like to take the opportunity to work with members to look at our traditional, legal knowledge and philosophy of life, so that we can work together to solve our problems. If we are going to work together, then we need to approve the declaration of the indigenous people.
I will shorten my speech as per your request.
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