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- Dec/11/23 8:42:42 p.m.
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Madam Chair, I heard my colleague talk about the housing challenges facing indigenous peoples.
I spoke about the overrepresentation of indigenous women and girls among the victims of domestic violence, but can it be normal, in 2023, that there should also be such a significant overrepresentation of indigenous persons when it comes to homelessness?
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- Dec/11/23 8:04:08 p.m.
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Madam Chair, I thank my colleague from Abitibi—Baie-James—Nunavik—Eeyou for her question and for her work. She knows that I have wanted to go and visit her riding for quite some time. I was supposed to go in 2020 but, unfortunately, my travel plans were postponed because of the pandemic. However, I really want to get there and visit these native friendship centres and indigenous communities.
As the critic for status of women, I think it is crucial that we focus on reconciliation and look at what continues to happen too often to indigenous women and girls, who are overrepresented on too many issues. The native friendship centres are calling on the government to focus on reconciliation and to take action instead of just paying lip service and producing reports.
What happens next? What concrete action is being taken to ensure that true reconciliation can begin?
That is what I am wondering, with all due respect, after discussions I have had with representatives of native friendship centres.
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- Dec/11/23 8:02:38 p.m.
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Madam Chair, I thank my colleague from Winnipeg Centre. As she said, we sit on the Standing Committee on the Status of Women together, and it is always a pleasure to speak with her, because she always brings us back to these fundamental human rights issues.
These issues are a stain on our international reputation. I talked about it too quickly in my speech. Why is Canada doing so poorly? Yes, of course, there was an inquiry with calls for justice, but how many of them have been implemented so far? How is Canada tracking its progress? Is it acceptable that in 2023, indigenous communities in a country like Canada do not have access to clean drinking water? It is a fundamental right, and it adds an additional mental burden because, unfortunately, everything to do with water supply and food security too often falls on women, even in 2023.
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- Dec/11/23 8:00:33 p.m.
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Madam Chair, I thank my colleague from Peace River—Westlock, with whom I co‑chair the All-Party Parliamentary Group to End Modern Slavery and Human Trafficking. Last year we even went to Winnipeg to reflect on the issue of human trafficking. This all happened at the same time as we were conducting our study at the Standing Committee on the Status of Women. We are still in the process of finalizing the report. Sadly, while travelling from Halifax to Vancouver via Ontario, we realized that the study we are conducting will confirm that indigenous women are overrepresented among victims of exploitation and human trafficking. It is deplorable that in 2023, we are still at this point.
I think that we will have to go even further and ensure that the report that we produce does not just get shelved. We must jump into action to get our recommendations implemented.
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- Dec/11/23 7:54:50 p.m.
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Madam Chair, I am finally taking the floor this evening in this take-note debate on indigenous services in Canada.
I would first like to acknowledge the exceptional work done by my colleague from Manicouagan, who is currently vice-chair of the Standing Committee on Indigenous and Northern Affairs. I have no doubt that she would have had far more to say than I do in this take-note debate. My colleague from Abitibi—Baie-James—Nunavik—Eeyou also had a lot to say. It is interesting to discuss these issues with them.
I am taking the floor tonight with great humility, in my capacity as the status of women critic for the Bloc Québécois and as vice-chair of the Standing Committee on the Status of Women. Unfortunately, indigenous women and girls are disproportionately affected by numerous issues. In particular, I am thinking about the problems surrounding resource development in western Canada and the issue of human trafficking and modern slavery. Our committee will soon be studying the idea of creating a “red dress alert” to try and tackle violence against indigenous women and girls. We conduct study after study, yet one question still gets repeated far too often: Why these women?
Last week, I met with representatives of native friendship centres, who were here on the Hill to make us aware of the important work they are doing for indigenous communities, particularly with respect to promoting languages and passing on their culture and traditions. I want to commend Édith Cloutier and the members of the Val‑d'Or Native Friendship Centre, who do vital work and with whom I have had constructive discussions. I hope to have a chance to go visit them on site soon to better understand their reality.
We need programs that are tailored to the culture of indigenous families. We also need to respond to the calls for justice from the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls by providing adequate, stable, equitable and ongoing funding for indigenous-centred community health and wellness services that are accessible and tailored to the culture of indigenous women, girls and 2SLGBTQIA+ persons.
We must respond to the calls of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls.
With regard to the rights of indigenous people to better economic outcomes, they also need better social outcomes and support for their community infrastructure. Indigenous people, including seniors, women, girls and indigenous people from diverse communities, need access to appropriate services, as well as to infrastructure that meets their social and economic needs, such as safe housing and clean drinking water, and that promotes hygiene, health and social security.
We need to ensure that funding for economic development respects the right of indigenous partners to self-determination. We need more entrepreneurship initiatives for indigenous women. We need to increase the supports available to women and improve the social and economic security of indigenous women entrepreneurs. That is another study that we are conducting at the Standing Committee on the Status of Women, a study on women's economic empowerment. Of course, indigenous women are under-represented in entrepreneurship. This study looks at that.
I am aware of all the work that still needs to be done. We need to think about the relevance of the Indian Act in 2023.
We need to think in terms of additional legislation on the road to reconciliation. These amendments will help acknowledge, protect and support missing and murdered indigenous women and girls, notably by seeking to uphold the rights of indigenous peoples to give their free and informed consent as part of decision-making processes that affects them—and that must be comprehensive—in order to eliminate gender discrimination in the Indian Act and ensure equal rights.
Our committee is particularly interested in gender-based analysis plus, which, incidentally, should lead us to reflect on the impact our policies have on indigenous women and girls.
Some of the most recent crime statistics were released in 2020, and they indicate that the homicide rate among indigenous people is still seven times higher than among non-indigenous people. The fact that the rate remains so high is a human rights failure for Canada. The completion of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls should not be seen by the government as an end point, but as a starting point. These murders are proof that we are still at square one.
Between 2004 and 2014, while homicide rates were falling across Canada, the number of murdered indigenous women and girls was six times higher than among non-indigenous women and girls. This calls for a new relationship in equal partnership with indigenous people.
In conclusion, we must recognize the root causes of this violence and support indigenous people in their recovery, promote gender equality and help empower women. We also need a nation-to-nation partnership with indigenous peoples, and the Bloc Québécois has long promoted that idea. Those are the hopes that I bring to this debate.
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- May/2/23 10:51:04 p.m.
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Madam Chair, one thing is certain: An alert system could engage the public. I answered that question earlier.
Beyond what we as elected officials can do and what the government can do, there is also a need to raise public awareness of this issue. I hope that we can open up a broader debate and make people aware of the fact that, in 2023, indigenous communities are disproportionately victimized. We need to realize that they are victims of a precarious situation because we put them there and that we do not care enough about them. There is a pressing need to talk to each other nation to nation, to make people aware of the different challenges that affect indigenous communities. Beyond the fact that it could make us think about saving lives, could this alert allow us to open up a debate with the public?
That is also what an alert is for. That discussion needs to take place. It is one way to get the issue out of the House of Commons and into the world and to make as many people as possible aware that we need to talk to each other.
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- May/2/23 10:48:44 p.m.
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Madam Chair, I thank my colleague from Manicouagan for her question. Unfortunately, I do not know why we are here once again.
I so wish I did not have to be here tonight talking about this issue. I wish that when we talk about feminism, we could put words into action.
It is not right that, in 2023, we still have to point out that indigenous women and girls are being killed simply because they are indigenous women and girls, because they are victims of discrimination. Why are so many women still victims of violence in our society?
Why is it that when women and girls are assaulted, even in the world of sports or in the military, it is only when there is a sensationalized case in the media that the government finally thinks about doing something?
We know the solutions. There have been plenty of reports on various issues that affect women. I could even talk about EI. We know the solutions. Why are the reports shelved? Why are they not implemented? There is the financial aspect, but I have the impression that political will is also a major factor.
As I said at the end of my speech, the fake feminism must stop. Tears are all well and good, but it is time for action.
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- May/2/23 10:46:30 p.m.
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Madam Chair, there is a clear link between women who are victims of violence, both indigenous and non-indigenous, and precarious financial situations.
We must work on making these indigenous women and girls financially self-sufficient again. There are many ways to give them the financial means they need to escape the cycle of violence. I mentioned it in my speech.
My colleague spoke about the committee. I am certainly frustrated to note that every time we talk about a study, we find that indigenous women are disproportionately affected. Why? It is because they are trapped in a cycle of poverty and insecurity.
We recently studied the situation of women in the resource development industry in western Canada to determine how and why, in those cases, women are victims of sexual violence. Why are they? It is because they, too, are kept in a cycle of poverty. It is because the government does not invest enough in infrastructure.
There are so many ways to improve all that and to financially empower indigenous women and girls so they can finally escape the cycle of violence.
I completely agree with my colleague. We have to think about giving them back their self-sufficiency and empower them to move away from their attackers and oppressors and escape the cycle of violence.
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- May/2/23 10:43:44 p.m.
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Madam Chair, one thing is certain. It is well worth looking into this issue of the alert.
In my speech, I talked about the government and about us as elected officials. I talked about the wrongs that have been done over the years. Since we are talking about action, I think that we are at the point now where we need to raise public awareness of this issue and recognize that missing and murdered indigenous women and girls do not receive the same treatment as others do.
Finally, this type of alert could perhaps make people aware of the fact that indigenous women do not get the same treatment when they go missing and that people are not as concerned about them. That is probably what the red dress alert system could be used for. I know that my colleague from the Standing Committee on the Status of Women firmly believes in it, and I think it is worth looking into. After that, if it is worthwhile, then the government will have to provide funding and walk the talk.
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- May/2/23 10:32:10 p.m.
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Madam Chair, it is with a great deal of emotion that I rise this evening on behalf of the Bloc Québécois to close this debate after my incredible colleague from Manicouagan, who spoke earlier this evening.
From the outset, I would like to remind the House that our political party has repeatedly reiterated its commitment to being an ally to the first nations. We believe that it is critical that we collectively remember all missing and murdered indigenous women, girls and 2SLGBTQIA persons to honour their memory.
I will go over some of our proposals, and then I will talk about Red Dress Day. I will close my speech by reminding the House of the origin of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls.
First, we called for the creation of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls and we supported its findings. We continue to support initiatives aimed at ending the impact of Canadian colonialism on indigenous peoples.
The government has been slow to implement some calls to justice. Although it publicly underlines the importance of reconciliation, the chronic underfunding of indigenous people in Canada continues. The federal government's inability to make sufficient investments in social and affordable housing, health services and infrastructure, water in particular, in indigenous communities has devastating consequences for indigenous people, their families and communities, in particular indigenous women and girls.
Massive efforts and investments must be made to honour the federal government's commitments and put an end to the crisis being experienced by indigenous women. The investments being made are insufficient to erase the harmful effects of colonialism. The resulting trauma is still deeply felt today and keeps women in particular trapped in a cycle of violence and vulnerability.
The Bloc Québécois is calling for true reconciliation. It must be social, cultural and economic. It must enable indigenous people to free themselves from the harms they were subjected to, and it must be done with the communities, not by imposing a Canadian vision of what reconciliation is.
The Bloc Québécois has always been a strong advocate of nation-to-nation discourse, and we reiterate that position once again. May 5 is Red Dress Day, the National Day of Awareness for Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls. It is a time to honour missing and murdered indigenous women, girls and 2SLGBTQIA+ people. We believe that one way to do this is by accelerating the implementation of the calls to action of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
Second, Red Dress Day is about honouring the victims, raising awareness of this crisis and encouraging governments to take action to address racist and gender-based violence against indigenous people in Canada.
I saw the REDress Project, which is now a permanent exhibit at the Canadian Museum for Human Rights, when I visited Winnipeg for a symposium on human trafficking and the resulting sexual exploitation that disproportionately affects indigenous women and girls, who often wind up missing or murdered.
Third, I would like to talk about how the national inquiry came about. In 2014, the issue finally broke into the headlines as a potential systemic problem after the RCMP unveiled its figures on the number of missing and murdered indigenous women and girls. The numbers speak for themselves. A total of 1,007 indigenous women and girls went missing or were murdered between 1980 and 2012. There are still 105 women unaccounted for, who disappeared under unexplained or suspicious circumstances. Between 2004 and 2014, as the murder rate fell across Canada, six times more indigenous women and girls were murdered than non-indigenous. Taking advantage of the momentum generated by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's work, many groups held demonstrations on October 4, 2014, demanding a national inquiry into the causes of the disappearance and murder of indigenous women and a national action plan.
It is also important to note that there is still a disproportionate number of indigenous women in Canadian prisons, many of whom were victims of violence themselves. That being said, pressure was mounting on the federal government, which until that point had ignored all calls for action.
Less than a year later, in 2015, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada called for a national inquiry into the disproportionate victimization of indigenous women and girls.
On June 3, 2019, the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls released its final report, “Reclaiming Power and Place”, after more than two years of gathering testimony from indigenous knowledge keepers, experts, and 1,484 survivors and family members of missing and murdered women and girls.
The report contains 231 separate calls for justice. These are legal imperatives, not mere recommendations. They call for immediate action and are directed at indigenous and non-indigenous governments, institutions, social service providers, industries and Canadians from all walks of life.
In Canada, according to 2018 figures, 25.1% of non-indigenous women reported having been physically or sexually abused by an intimate partner, while this percentage rises to 43.7% among indigenous women. Furthermore, 38.2% of non-indigenous women have been physically or sexually abused by someone other than an intimate partner, but this percentage rises to 54.9% among indigenous women.
Internationally, Canada finally signed on to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples on June 21, 2021, when the related act received royal assent. This is one of the most important human rights issues facing Canada. The purpose of the act is to affirm the UN declaration as an international human rights instrument that can help interpret and apply Canadian law. This act requires the Government of Canada, in consultation and co-operation with indigenous peoples, to take all measures necessary to ensure that the laws of Canada are consistent with the declaration, to prepare and implement an action plan to achieve the objectives of the declaration, and to table an annual report on the progress made in aligning federal laws with the action plan.
The act requires that the action plan include measures to address injustices, combat prejudice and eliminate all forms of violence, racism and discrimination against indigenous peoples, including elders, youth, children, persons with disabilities, women, men and two-spirit and gender-diverse persons. It aims to to promote mutual respect and understanding, as well as good relations, including through human rights education. The plan must include measures related to the monitoring, oversight, follow-up, recourse or remedy or other accountability with respect to the implementation of the declaration. This action plan must also include measures for monitoring the implementation of the plan itself and for reviewing and amending the plan.
In their descriptions of encounters, families and survivors who spoke at the national inquiry consistently linked their experiences to colonialism, both historic and modern forms, in one of the following four ways: historical, multi-generational and inter-generational trauma; social and economic marginalization; maintaining the status quo; institutional lack of will; and refusal to recognize the expertise of indigenous women and girls and their capacity to act. The Canadian government and the clergy planned the collective trauma with the ultimate goal of driving all indigenous communities to extinction. Those communities have since been left to deal with the consequences alone.
We might say that indigenous communities need to fight. Quebeckers and Canadians alike need to be aware of the collective trauma experienced in these communities, understand it and make sure these atrocities never happen again. In listening to the testimony of indigenous women, Quebec Native Women counted four types of violence: structural violence, institutional violence, family violence and personal violence. That last type of violence covers actions such as physical violence, psychological manipulation and financial control, and it involves individuals.
In conclusion, the government must act on the report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls on the occasion of Red Dress Day, which seeks to raise awareness of this problem. We are calling on the government to take concrete measures to protect indigenous populations, to recognize the disproportionate level of violence faced by indigenous women and to stand in solidarity with them. We must commit to putting an end to racism and systemic violence against indigenous women, girls and two-spirit people. As elected officials, we must take action and not settle for a simple speech about this situation.
I would like to point out one last thing because the numbers speak for themselves. In a report released in May 2014, the RCMP documented 1,181 cases involving indigenous women, including 1,017 who were murdered and 164 who went missing, between 1980 and 2012 when this all happened. Some estimate that more than 4,000 indigenous women are missing. According to the national inquiry, it is impossible to determine the exact number of murdered and missing women.
The fake feminism must stop, and there must be action.
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- May/2/23 10:07:07 p.m.
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Madam Chair, I went to Winnipeg last month, and one victim told me she did not want to continue, she was fed up, she wanted to give up and that she was hearing a lot of rhetoric but seeing little in the way of action plans.
What does the member think of the fact that, for many years, successive governments have not produced the results that communities want and expect?
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- May/2/23 9:49:08 p.m.
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Madam Chair, I thank my colleague for his speech. What stands out for me tonight, as a member of the Standing Committee on the Status of Women, is the number of times we have talked about this issue and the number of reports that have been completed on missing and murdered indigenous women and girls. How many times have we talked about the recommendations and the reports?
We are here tonight. I was here last year, too. We are still talking about missing and murdered indigenous women and girls in 2023. My colleagues on the Standing Committee on the Status of Women will agree with me. We are unfortunately, still, in 2023, talking about this issue, noting that indigenous women and girls are disproportionately affected—
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- Dec/7/22 7:29:30 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, I wish I could understand.
If I get emotional, it is because I have a 10-month-old daughter. It changes one's perspective. This year, as I was reflecting on the Polytechnique tragedy, I realized that I see feminism and advocacy differently now. Clearly, we will have to be feminist as long as we need feminists, and it is obvious that we still need to be feminist in 2022.
Consider the Polytechnique tragedy. It took place in 1989, 33 years ago. Women were killed because they were women. In 2022, there is still denial of violence against women. Indigenous women were victims of a serial killer, and there was an attempt to deny it. This is unacceptable. It makes me wonder. Yes, we are making gains, but there is so much more to be done.
It is 2022, but, unfortunately, in every single study that I have been a part of at the Standing Committee on the Status of Women, indigenous women are always overrepresented in conversations about violence and poverty. Some communities do not, even now, have access to clean drinking water. There are still so many addiction and mental health problems. No matter what issue the Standing Committee on the Status of Women is studying, we always have to deal with the fact that indigenous women are overrepresented. When we talk about feminist issues, I hope to be able to advocate for indigenous women soon.
I hope we can keep working together across party lines. There has to be political will. We have studies, we have reports on missing and murdered indigenous women, we have calls to action. Recently, I asked some witnesses what it would take. It is going to take political will. There are suggestions and recommendations galore. Enough. It is time to put words into action.
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- Dec/7/22 7:26:53 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, the Standing Committee on the Status of Women is examining the impact of resource development and violence against indigenous women and girls. We are looking at how disproportionate the impacts still are in 2022 and the extent to which indigenous women are also the victims of a form of modern slavery, of human trafficking. In this study, there will likely be a recommendation made about the issue of police powers in such cases. We are going to look at that. We have to see what police forces can intervene under what circumstances. We need to look into that because, according to what we heard in committee, it is a major problem. I completely agree with my colleague.
I looked at what is happening with the RCMP because I stood in for my colleague on the Standing Committee on Public Safety, which was examining the impact on indigenous women, how they are treated differently by the RCMP and how they are overrepresented in prisons. That is unacceptable. I was discussing that issue with the friendship centre representative that I was speaking with a few minutes ago. All of that has an impact. Beyond police services, how can we intervene to help these women? There are also a lot of indigenous women who end up on the streets and potentially at the mercy of pimps. They are victims of sexual exploitation.
It is 2022. What happens to them? Once again, police forces will have to work together. To come back to my colleague's question, I will see what the report says, but this issue will certainly need to be studied so we can take the appropriate action to ensure the safety of indigenous women.
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- Dec/7/22 7:24:02 p.m.
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Madam Chair, it is strange, because when I was on my way to the House, I was listening to the news and heard about the landfill.
No matter who we are, it is an undignified way to honour people who have died and the end of a person's life. It is outrageous. I do not even understand how we are asking this question. I do not want to get into the details because this makes no sense to me. A life should not end in a landfill. That is absolutely absurd. This was actually being discussed on the news when I was on my way here.
As for cultural genocide, there is no doubt about that. They tried to kill the Indian in the child. In Quebec, they took indigenous children and tried to turn them into good white Catholics. That is what they tried to do to them, and that is absolutely preposterous. They were responsible for heartbreaking stories and collective trauma. Families were separated. As a new mother, I cannot even imagine having my daughter taken away from me. I will repeat that that is what was done to indigenous people because they wanted to kill the Indian in the child. That is absolutely unacceptable.
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- Dec/7/22 7:22:06 p.m.
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Madam Chair, so much can be said about that particular problem. I was actually just talking about that a few moments ago, because I was just at a gala organized by the organization Equal Voice, and there was a lot of discussion about making more room for women in politics. That said, I see this as a much broader issue, that of representation in government.
I identified the problem. I would especially like to see more indigenous women in politics. I was talking to a representative from the umbrella organization for indigenous friendship centres in Quebec, which are absolutely exceptional centres. My colleague could actually talk more about them. Some of my colleagues have indigenous friendship centres in their ridings in Quebec, and they could talk about the importance of these centres in terms of education, culture and the promotion of indigenous culture. Quebec's indigenous friendship centres are an absolutely incredible model. I hope to be able to visit one soon to see all the educational work they do in society.
As the critic for the status of women, I am very concerned about this issue. In fact, I am in the process of arranging a meeting with the representative of the indigenous friendship centres. I will go back to the Equal Voice dinner to continue the dialogue and arrange visits to discuss the issue of education.
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- Dec/7/22 7:21:28 p.m.
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Madam Chair, I thank my colleague. I know how important the feminist cause is to her.
I am not sure I properly understood the question, she asked it so quickly. Is it possible for her to repeat the question? I had a hard time understanding it.
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- Dec/7/22 7:10:43 p.m.
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Madam Chair, it is with great humility that I rise this evening to speak to this very delicate, very sensitive issue. My opening thought for this emergency debate on the serial killings in Winnipeg is as follows: Attacking women and girls is the most effective way to destabilize a population, because it compromises its survival.
Jeremy Skibicki, a 35-year-old man, was charged with the premeditated murder of three indigenous women last week. Skibicki had already been arrested in May for the murder of another indigenous woman in the Winnipeg area. At the time, the Winnipeg police believed that there might have been other victims. Now their fears have been realized.
The accused describes himself as an official member of the far-right movement Holy Europe, which is openly pro-life, pro-gun and anarchist. Earlier this year, when he was first arrested, CBC examined Skibicki's Facebook account and discovered that his posts were rife with violent sentiments and anti-Semitic and misogynistic material.
In a press release, the Native Women's Association of Canada issued a statement on the new murder charges laid against the accused. The association pointed out that the most recent crime statistics released in 2020 tell us that the homicide rate for indigenous people is still seven times higher than for non-indigenous people. The fact that it remains so high is a Canadian human rights failure.
The government must not see the completion of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls as the end point, but as the starting point. These murders are proof that everything remains to be done.
The police still refuse to say that this violence was specifically directed towards indigenous women. We do not want to interfere in a criminal investigation, but four murders, four indigenous women, is significant.
In Quebec, the issue of missing and murdered indigenous women and girls is one that the government has always tried to ignore and gloss over by choosing to treat each disappearance and death as an isolated case. However, in 2014, the issue finally broke into the headlines as a potential systemic problem after the RCMP unveiled its figures on the number of missing and murdered indigenous women and girls. The numbers speak for themselves, and they are chilling. A total of 1,017 indigenous women and girls went missing or were murdered between 1980 and 2012. There are still 105 women unaccounted for, who disappeared under unexplained or suspicious circumstances.
Between 2004 and 2014, as the murder rate fell across Canada, six times more indigenous women and girls were murdered than non-indigenous. Taking advantage of the momentum generated by the TRC's work, many groups held demonstrations on October 4, 2014, demanding a national inquiry into the causes of the disappearance and murder of indigenous women and a national action plan.
During one of those demonstrations, Béatrice Vaugrante, executive director of Amnesty International for francophone Canada at the time, emphasized that many UN, U.S. and U.K. bodies had asked Canada to put an end to violence against indigenous women. She considered this Canada's worst human rights issue and said the government's failure to recognize the magnitude of the problem and take action was unacceptable.
In October 2004, in response to the tragically high number of indigenous women being victimized, Amnesty International released a report calling for meaningful action and concrete measures. Pressure was mounting on the federal government, which until that point had ignored all calls for action. Less than a year later, in 2015, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada called for a national inquiry into the disproportionate victimization of indigenous women and girls. The national inquiry's final report was released on June 3, 2019.
Then, in 2016, following the disappearance of Sindy Ruperthouse, an Algonquin woman from Pikogan in Abitibi, near Val‑d'Or, the Quebec government launched the Viens commission. There were reports of a number of indigenous women in Abitibi accusing the police of physical and sexual abuse. Released in 2019, the report's conclusion highlights years of systemic discrimination against indigenous groups. The inquiry also calls for a public apology from the government for the harm done over time.
In October 2019, François Legault rose in the National Assembly and apologized on behalf of the Quebec government. The Government of Quebec is still reviewing the document's 142 recommendations for addressing the situation.
Five years after its initial report, Amnesty International published a second report entitled “No More Stolen Sisters: The Need for a Comprehensive Response to Discrimination and Violence against Indigenous Women in Canada” and highlighted the five factors that contributed to the phenomenon of violence against indigenous women.
These factors are the role of racism and misogyny in perpetuating violence against indigenous women; the sharp disparities between indigenous and non-indigenous women when it comes to the fulfilment of their economic, social, political and cultural rights; the disruption of indigenous societies caused by the historic and ongoing mass removal of children from indigenous families and communities; the disproportionately high number of indigenous women in Canadian prisons, many of whom were themselves victims of violence; and the inadequate police response to violence against indigenous women, as illustrated by the handling of missing persons cases.
The calls for justice from the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, presented as legal imperatives rather than optional recommendations, set out transformative measures in the areas of health, safety, justice and culture, including the following: establishing a national indigenous and human rights ombudsperson and a national indigenous and human rights tribunal; developing and implementing a national action plan to ensure equitable access to employment, housing, education, safety and health care; providing long-term funding for education programs and awareness campaigns related to violence prevention and combatting lateral violence; and prohibiting the apprehension of children on the basis of poverty and cultural bias.
While there is still an ongoing debate about whether it is appropriate to use the word “genocide”, I believe there is a general consensus on the term “cultural genocide”. In fact, we can now say that the federal government of the day and the clergy responsible for the residential schools deliberately attempted to assimilate or erase a culture. The government of the day was clearly intent on committing cultural genocide. It was an official policy, even. Under the guise of equal educational opportunity, the primary goal of this policy was to assimilate the children and eradicate indigenous cultures.
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada is of the opinion that this policy of assimilation has had a negative impact on all indigenous peoples and has undermined their ability to thrive in Canadian society. In their descriptions of encounters, families and survivors who spoke at the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls consistently linked their experiences to colonialism, both historic and modern forms, in one or more general ways: historical, multi-generational and inter-generational trauma; social and economic marginalization; maintaining the status quo; and institutional lack of will. The Canadian government and the clergy planned this collective trauma with the ultimate goal of driving all indigenous communities to extinction. Those communities have since been left to deal with the consequences alone.
According to Viviane Michel, president of Quebec Native Women, it is essential that communities and families have an opportunity to be heard as part of any inquiry. She also said that understanding the deep roots of the systemic discrimination faced by indigenous women is crucial to ensuring their dignity and safety.
As we listen to the testimony of indigenous women, four types of violence emerge. The first is structural violence. There is also social, legal, cultural, institutional and even family violence. That last term is frequently used in an indigenous context to make it clear that violence affects not only couples, but also the children and potentially other people connected to the family. There is also personal violence. This type of violence covers actions such as physical violence, psychological manipulation and financial control and involves individuals. There may be some overlap that emerges from the facts of the Skibicki investigation. There is a recognizable pattern, an all-too-familiar pattern that Quebeckers can unfortunately relate to because of their own numerous femicides and the tragic death of Marylène Levesque in early 2020.
In conclusion, it is essential to recognize and understand the sources of violence and support indigenous peoples' efforts to rebuild. It is also essential to promote gender equality, support women's empowerment and establish a nation-to-nation partnership with indigenous peoples. The Bloc Québécois has been advocating for all these measures for years.
We did so during the election campaign, and we will continue to do so, because one of the major obstacles we are facing is the failure of the comprehensive land claims policy. That is exactly why the Bloc Québécois wants it to be completely overhauled.
I could go on at length about this, but I believe my time is up.
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- May/4/22 11:30:05 p.m.
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Madam Chair, with respect to cultural changes, I want to talk about something that I did not have the time to address.
In a conversation about culture and respect for cultures we cannot ignore what happened with the residential schools. I want to say it here because it was absolutely cruel. The purpose was to “kill the Indian in the child”.
No one can talk about respecting culture and then go after children or go after these people's futures. For far too long Canada sought to kill these cultures.
I repeat: Never should anyone try to “kill the Indian in the child”.
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- May/4/22 11:28:47 p.m.
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Madam Chair, as I mentioned, the government must absolutely invest in these communities and work and plan for the longer term.
There is so much work to be done in areas such as providing housing, implementing the action plan or getting drinking water to various communities. The government clearly needs to do some long-term planning so that there is some stability here. That is also important.
I also think that the government needs to move forward with the money it has promised in its various budgets.
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