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Decentralized Democracy

House Hansard - 302

44th Parl. 1st Sess.
April 18, 2024 10:00AM
  • Apr/18/24 11:37:33 a.m.
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Madam Speaker, I will end corporate handouts to all industries. I do not believe in corporate handouts. We are the only party that stands against corporate welfare. We believe businesses should make money, not take money. We believe in the free market, not state capitalism. It is the NDP and the Liberals who continually stroke these monster cheques to businesses that have not earned the money. Ironically, they are always angry at businesses that make money by selling things that consumers choose to buy, but they are never upset to take money by force from working taxpayers and hand the money to large corporations who have very skilful lobbyists. I want an economy where businesses make money, not take money, where they make profit based on the quality of their products, not the quality of their lobbyists, where they please customers rather than pleasing politicians. It is called the free market.
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  • Apr/18/24 12:05:50 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, the member mentioned the fiscal issues. I would like to remind him that Canada has the lowest deficit-to-GDP ratio and lowest net debt-to-GDP ratio among all the G7 countries. In fact, Canada not only has a AAA credit rating, but it is also one of only two G7 countries that has a AAA rating from two of the three independent credit agencies. Quebec has shown the solid move from the carbon-heavy economy to a clean economy. Quebec has very advanced manufacturing and knowledge-based companies. Does the member not recognize the importance this budget has given to knowledge-based companies and specifically how it would help Quebec companies, for example in artificial intelligence, with a $2-billion fund for the AI compute access fund, $200 million for artificial intelligence start-ups, and help for crucial sectors, such as agriculture, health care and manufacturing, to adopt artificial intelligence?
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  • Apr/18/24 12:07:05 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, I thank the member for Nepean for his multi-pronged question. First, we recognize that the federal debt-to-GDP ratio is among the best, except that goes back to what the Parliamentary Budget Officer said. Members will recall that, in the 1990s, the federal government solved its debt problem by increasing the fiscal imbalance, or in other words, by reducing transfers to the provinces. The provinces are struggling because the federal government chose to increase the fiscal imbalance rather than dealing with it. When it comes to the various sectors of the economy, I would remind the member that the Minister of Innovation finally promised an aerospace policy. Canada is the only country with an aerospace industry that does not have such a policy. Is there anything about that in the budget? No. There is zip, zero, zilch.
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  • Apr/18/24 12:15:34 p.m.
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Madam Speaker, I rise today to speak to budget 2024 and to deliver my first speech in the House as the shadow minister of finance for the New Democratic Party of Canada. I am deeply honoured to assume this important position, and as I do so, I am reminded of the core economic objectives of a progressive political party in a modern democracy, the principles that have underpinned impressive results in many social democratic countries around the globe. These include the following: to build a strong domestic economy that works for all citizens, not just the privileged; to harness national assets for the collective good while creating a thriving market that produces quality goods and services; to respect both those who utilize their entrepreneurial talents and the workers whose skills and energy are essential to their realization; to develop our resources in an intelligent, sustainable and responsible manner, respecting both future generations and our planet, which, after all, are the foundation of all economic activity; to incentivize productive activity, to reward hard work, to distribute wealth fairly and to take care of those who, through no fault of their own, need our assistance; and to advance equality and to create the conditions necessary for everyone to have a full and fair opportunity to realize their potential to contribute and to succeed. The document under debate serves as a crucial reminder of what a national government can do to help realize these goals, both in its observance and in its breach. It also shows what an effective opposition can achieve when we act maturely and work to fix what is broken, instead of engaging in division and pessimism. Although conflict may appear expedient to those politicians who want to exploit feelings of frustration and anger, it does not get results for people, and it weakens our institutions and democracy. As Jack Layton would often remind us, the opposition's job is not only to oppose, but also to propose. This budget is product of applying this approach. In contrast to the other opposition parties in the House, the NDP has worked to deliver tangible benefits for Canadians. In this budget alone, Canada's New Democrats have compelled the Liberal government to move in a number of important, substantive and positive directions. These include the following, which the NDP has championed and has fought for, in some cases for decades: to build more homes, to preserve existing affordable housing and to protect renters, helping address one of the most foundational issues in society; to set the foundation for universal public pharmacare, starting with contraception and diabetes medications and devices, helping millions of Canadians and starting us well on the path to comprehensive drug coverage for all; to establish the very first national school food program, helping children learn and stay healthy while providing real relief to families hurt by high food prices; and to reverse damaging cuts to indigenous services, an area that cries out for resources and for reconciliation. Further, these also include the following: to invest in accessible, high-quality, non-profit child care, a vital social support to families, and to women in particular; to increase funding for pure and applied research and to better support Canada's students, keys to Canada's productivity and innovation; to increase the capital gains tax on the wealthiest 1%, a measure that would return some $19 billion to the treasury over the next five years from the wealthiest 1% in Canada; to improve Via Rail capacity, helping connect communities and helping the environment; to double the volunteer firefighters' and the search and rescue volunteers' tax credits; and to create a dedicated youth mental health fund, continuing to move this critical area into our mainstream health care system. These measures would provide urgent relief for millions of Canadians, and make no mistake, they would not have happened without the pressure and the advocacy of every NDP member in the House. However, it is crucial to emphasize that while these achievements illustrate in part what a New Democrat government could accomplish, the current budget does not fully reflect the party's vision. This is the result of a major difference between the NDP and the two old-guard establishment parties. New Democrats see government as a profoundly important instrument of public good, as something that should stand firmly with and for people, not private powerful interests. We see it as a positive force that can provide resources collectively that individuals alone cannot, that can build institutions of opportunity available to all, regardless of personal wealth and station. We alone see the vital interconnectedness of social, economic and environmental justice. In contrast, the Conservatives treat government with suspicion; it is to be feared, scorned, reduced and marginalized. The Liberals, for their part, are beholden to crippling incrementalism, afraid to take bold action, even in the face of great social need or clear evidence. More to the point today, the Conservatives identify an economic crisis but deny that there is a climate one. The Liberals acknowledge a climate crisis but fail to fully recognize an economic one. Only Canada's New Democrats firmly understand that Canada faces both an economic crisis and a climate crisis. We stand alone in the understanding that these crises are intertwined and that we will make real progress only by successfully addressing both. The context for this budget is clear. The reality is that millions of Canadians are grappling with the rising costs of living and are struggling to pay for essentials like food and housing. At the same time, forest fires lay waste to entire towns; droughts threaten our food supply; floods destroy our communities; unprecedented heatwaves claim the lives of our elders; and children are confined indoors when the air is unfit to breathe. While politicians, like the Conservatives, who are in denial or who are ignorant of these realizations, point to the costs of dealing with these crises, they fail to recognize the far more expensive price of not dealing with them. The result is that Canada is falling behind in meeting our climate commitments and in the need to pivot to a sustainable economy that works for all Canadians. While this budget promises considerable progress in a number of areas, progress that will depend on real implementation, a perennial shortcoming of the current government it must be noted, it also falls short in making the necessary investments and the policy changes that the current crises demand. I will highlight housing. There are many issues in politics, but some are foundational, existential even. Housing is one of these. Housing is not just a commodity, but also a necessity. It anchors us in community and connects us with family, neighbours, friends, school, work and services. However, because of decades of successive Liberal and Conservative government policy failures, encampments are expanding across the country at record levels in both urban and rural areas. The federal housing advocate has called this a “life and death crisis”. The financialization of housing has left one-third of all seniors housing in Canada in the hands of institutional investors, along with 30% of purpose-built rental buildings. Young people are shut out of the housing market, and renters are losing hope of ever owning a home. Mortgage and rent payments are devouring an unsustainable share of people's incomes. The Office of the Federal Housing Advocate recently released an analysis of Canada's housing supply shortage, which found that we are missing 4.5 million homes that are affordable to people in housing need. International evidence demonstrates that direct financing to scale up non-market housing, such as co-operative, non-profit and public housing, is the most efficient and effective way to address this shortfall, yet the Liberal government continues to rely heavily on the for-profit housing industry to fix the problem. This does not mean that the private market has no role in housing construction; instead, it underscores the importance of ensuring that public investments yield tangible public benefits and prioritizes housing solutions that truly serve the needs of our communities. It is important to note that public spending on non-market housing is anti-inflationary. It expands supply and puts downward pressure on prices across the housing market. Moreover, if public spending is offset by measured, fair tax increases, the net effect on aggregate demand remains neutral. This budget makes a lot of promises about housing, which if carried out will go a long way in helping meet our goals. However, the problem is that we have heard this before. In 2017, the Prime Minister announced a $40 billion national housing strategy, saying that it was, “a robust, comprehensive, life-changing plan to help Canadians get into homes, and stay there.” Seven years later, what Canadians have really experienced is a robust, comprehensive and life-changing housing crisis, one in which rent and home prices have doubled. Home ownership is further away than ever, and we have lost 11 units of affordable housing for every one built. While New Democrats support the investments announced in this budget, the real test will be ensuring they are realized. We will do our part to monitor and to press for that to happen. I must say a few words about several weaknesses in this budget. The allocation of a paltry $200 a month for the Canada disability benefit for Canadians living with disabilities is beyond deficient. It is insulting. It is far below what is necessary to lift these citizens out of poverty. Combined with provincial disability programs, it fails to meet even this government's own assessment of subsistence at $2,000 per month when it set the CERB amount during COVID. This is unacceptable and New Democrats call for it to be raised substantially and immediately. This budget aims to slash 5,000 public service jobs through attrition. This is short-sighted and wrong. We need our public servants to deliver the programs Canadians rely on. We all recall how vital our civil servants were during COVID, delivering the benefits we desperately needed when we were in a national crisis. What we ought to slash is the use of government outsourcing and private consultants, something that is far more costly and, in many cases, scandalously wasteful. We need only look at this government's outrageous expenditure of $60 million to produce the ArriveCAN app, which proved unreliable and of questionable utility, something that should have been produced for, at most, one-tenth that cost. This budget is a missed opportunity to address the gaping tax unfairness and imbalance that successive Liberal and Conservative governments have created in Canada. For decades, both old-guard parties slashed corporate taxes, making individual working and middle-class Canadians increasingly shoulder the cost of government. Today, Canada has one of the lowest rates of corporate taxes in the OECD, ranking 33rd of 38 countries. Our federal corporate tax rate of 15% is over 5% less than the United States, and President Biden recently announced his intention to raise U.S. corporate tax rates by some 7%. The upshot is that we could and should implement a prudent and measured increase as well, providing billions of dollars of revenue for programs Canadians need and reducing our deficit while remaining competitive among our peers. This budget also missed a clear opportunity to implement a tax on windfall oil and gas profits. While Canadians were suffering from the after-effects of the pandemic, in 2022 oil and gas extraction companies in Canada made a record-breaking $63 billion in profits. Although data for 2023 has not yet been published, it is shaping up to the be the second-most profitable year in the history of the oil patch. The 2022 federal budget introduced a one-time tax of 15% on profits above $1 billion for banks and insurance companies. The PBO report found that extending the tax to the oil and gas sector could generate $4.2 billion in revenue over five years. New Democrats think that this is a policy measure that is eminently warranted. I would like to also point out the lack of sufficient emphasis in this budget when it comes to the climate crisis. We believe that this is the most important issue facing our planet, another truly existential issue. While addressing it will take concerted global action, Canada must do its part. Although the budget has a number of laudable steps in this direction, including money for the transition to zero-emission vehicles and heat pump retrofits, in our view it should go much farther and faster if we are to meet our international commitments and obligations to future generations of Canadians. Finally, I would like to address the important discussion in Canada regarding productivity. The statistics on productivity levels in Canada are indeed concerning. The Bank of Canada's senior deputy governor recently noted that the need to improve productivity has reached an emergency level in this country, but we do need to analyze and interpret the numbers cautiously. We are clearly still experiencing the after-effects of the pandemic and the unprecedented shocks it imposed on our economy, integrated supply chains and our labour market. We must be careful not to give credence to outdated and offensive ideas that the best way to improve productivity is to blame or put the burden on workers, compelling them to work harder, faster, longer and for less money. A factor that is far more important to address in the productivity problem is the ongoing weakness of business capital spending in Canada. Spending on machinery and equipment by businesses and on R and D and innovation has been falling as a share of GDP for many years, dating back, in fact, to the large corporate tax cuts Paul Martin introduced at the turn of this century. That is an ironic fact, since it was argued, at the time, that corporate tax cuts would spur more business investment, not less. However, the truth is that even with rapid job creation and population growth, business capital investment has not kept up. To address this, the New Democrats believe the federal government must implement strategies that are more effective at increasing capital investment and innovation in Canada, rather than the tired, old, trickle-down theories, like tax cuts for corporations and the wealthy, that clearly have not worked. Other countries, like those in northern Europe and east Asia, have shown it is possible to combine strong investment and technology with strong labour standards and public programs. Canadian workers are skilled and productive. In fact, by some measures, our workforce is the best trained of any OECD country. To put those skills to work to their full potential, workers need good, secure and stable jobs, with access to proper machinery and equipment, lifelong training and the opportunity to earn better wages along with their productivity so that they can share in the wealth their talents and skills create. That is why New Democrats support better vocational training, stronger labour standards and unions that can be active partners in technological change, training, safety and job quality. To conclude, allow me to draw a clear distinction between the diverging economic paths that lie ahead for our country. The Conservatives would prioritize corporate interests, even at the expense of ordinary Canadians. If they have their way, essential services will suffer. There will be no dental care, no pharmacare, no renter protections, no investments in affordable housing or child care, and no school food programs for our children. Under the Liberals' watch, Canadians have been left grappling and struggling with rising costs, while big corporations and wealthy CEOs are thriving. It is a stark contrast. The privileged few prosper, while the majority struggle to make ends meet. That is unconscionable in a country as wealthy as Canada. The affordability crisis has reached a breaking point, yet the Liberal government still hesitates to take decisive action. It only acts when pushed by the NDP. It took the New Democrats to force its hand in budget 2024 to push for policies that genuinely benefit people. Our vision extends beyond the present to a future where our federal government champions affordability, equity and the well-being of every family. It would be a Canada where no one is left behind, where accessible health care, housing and opportunity for all are not mere aspirations, but fundamental rights and the reality. Together, we know we can build a Canada that thrives on fairness, compassion and shared prosperity. Do not ever let them say it cannot be done.
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  • Apr/18/24 12:34:20 p.m.
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Madam Speaker, I have seen the numbers and I listened to the finance minister state that Canada is leading the G7 in foreign direct investment. I would turn my attention to domestic investment. I am not interested in having only foreign companies come into Canada to develop our economy. I want to build strong Canadian businesses and strong champions here at home. We have a lack of investment by Canadian companies in machinery, equipment, technology and innovation that has been lagging and dropping for many years. That is one of the prime reasons Canada is not reaching its potential as an economy. We should be the wealthiest country in the world. We have everything in this country: land, minerals, oil and gas, food, a well-educated population and strong social supports. However, we are not reaching our potential. That is because of decades of poor economic decisions made by successive federal governments that failed to fully harness the potential that is here.
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  • Apr/18/24 12:44:19 p.m.
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Madam Speaker, I will be sharing my time with the member for Milton. I entered politics with three main objectives: first, affordable housing for all Canadians; second, provide secure retirement income security to 11 million working Canadians without workplace pensions; and third, ensure Canadian society and the economy remain robust and competitive in the global knowledge-based economy thus securing prosperity for our children and grandchildren. On my first objective, in the budget, we have announced tremendous investments for housing, continuing our focus on what we had earlier introduced, the national housing strategy. On my second objective, we have reformed the Canada pension plan to secure retirement income for Canadians, and we have also introduced various targeted programs to support seniors. On my third objective on securing Canada's position in the changing global knowledge-based economy, we have redoubled our efforts through this budget. Canada has been the best country in the world because of our rich natural resources like oil and gas, minerals and metals, strong agricultural sector, and the hard work of several generations of Canadians, including the present day seniors. However, there are major changes happening in the global economy that have a direct impact on the Canadian economy, which have consequences on Canadian prosperity. Globalization as we knew it for last several decades has disappeared. Now we are moving toward onshoring, nearshoring and friend-shoring. The world is in this great transition phase and Canada has to act fast to secure our place in the new global economic order. We foresaw this coming and hence adopted policies to strengthen our manufacturing sector and focused on the knowledge-based sector. We have made, and continue make, major investments in many economic sectors, including the manufacturing sector and sectors focused on advanced technologies. Before I continue on the budget focus of advanced technologies, including artificial intelligence, let me first note few points. In the fall, we set three very specific fiscal guideposts. In this budget, each one of the three objectives we set last fall are being met and so is our fiscal anchor, with a declining federal debt-to-GDP ratio over the medium term. In fact, Canada has the lowest deficit-to-GDP ratio and net debt-to-GDP ratio in the G7, and we continue to maintain our AAA credit rating. We have a vision for Canada’s future that is innovative, inclusive and industrious. I wish to highlight the critical role that innovation and advanced technologies play in shaping the future of Canada’s economy. In a world that is rapidly transforming through technological advancements, it is imperative that Canada not only keeps pace but leads the charge in the global innovation race. Innovation is the cornerstone of economic resilience and growth. It drives productivity, creates high-quality jobs and fosters competitive industries. Through advanced technologies, we can solve some of our most pressing challenges, from climate change to health care, and enhancing the quality of life for all Canadians while ensuring sustainable development. Canada’s commitment to technological advancement is evident in our strategic investments in sectors like artificial intelligence, quantum computing and clean technology. These sectors are not merely areas of academic interest; they are the engines of our future economy. By investing in these areas, we are setting the stage for a new era of industrial and technological leadership. Advanced technologies also bring tremendous economic benefits. They open up new markets, enable Canadian businesses to compete globally and attract foreign investment. Every dollar invested in innovation multiplies across the economy, generating wealth and opportunities that extend through every province and sector. Moreover, the adoption of these technologies ensures that Canada remains a desirable destination for talented innovators and entrepreneurs from around the world. By embracing advanced technologies, we are building a robust ecosystem that nurtures creativity and turns innovative ideas into tangible solutions that benefit society as a whole. As an example of our commitment, let me mention a subject that stands at the very heart of our future economic prosperity and global leadership, artificial intelligence, or AI. Our nation has already made significant strides in this field and it is crucial that we understand and support the ongoing efforts and strategic investments that will solidify Canada's position as a world leader in AI technology. Since 2017, we have dedicated over $2 billion to nurture our AI ecosystem, establishing Canada as a beacon of innovation and expertise in the global arena. This dedication has borne fruit in numerous ways. We are globally recognized for our strong AI talent, research capabilities and a rapidly growing AI sector that leads the G7 in several key metrics, including the growth of women in AI and year-over-year growth of AI talent. Our researchers and companies have not only kept pace but have set international benchmarks, publishing more AI-related papers per capita than any other G7 country since 2019. Our AI firms are also at the forefront of innovation, filing patents at three times the average rate in the G7 and attracting a significant portion of venture capital in Canada. Last year alone, the number of actively engaged AI professionals in Canada grew by 29%, underscoring a vibrant and expanding workforce dedicated to advancing this technology. However, our ambition does not stop with past successes. Recognizing the transformative potential of AI, we have launched pioneering initiatives like the world’s first national AI strategy, the pan-Canadian artificial intelligence strategy, yet we face challenges that could stymie our progress. Currently, most advanced computing capacity, which is crucial for AI development, is located outside Canada. This not only slows down our research and innovation, but also poses security risks and dependencies on foreign technology. To address these challenges and propel us forward, budget 2024 announced a historic investment in AI, $2.4 billion targeted at enhancing our AI capabilities. This includes $2 billion for establishing the AI compute access fund and the Canadian AI sovereign compute strategy, which aims to catalyze the development of Canadian-owned AI infrastructure and reduce our reliance on external resources. An additional $200 million will support AI start-ups and accelerate AI adoption in crucial sectors like agriculture, health care and manufacturing. It is only through our collective effort and shared vision that we can realize the full potential of AI and secure Canada’s advantage on this critical frontier. The importance of innovation and advanced technologies to Canada’s economy cannot be overstated. As we look forward, let us continue to invest in the technologies of tomorrow and ensure that Canada remains at the forefront of global innovation. Let us be bold in our ambitions and steadfast in our commitment to a prosperous, technologically advanced Canada.
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  • Apr/18/24 1:23:44 p.m.
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Madam Speaker, the first thing we need to do is get this anti-energy, anti-resource government out of the way and replace it with a common-sense Conservative government that will green-light green projects. When Germany, Greece and Japan recently came to Canada begging for our LNG, we should have been leaders and been able to provide that, not only to bring powerful paycheques to our Canadian people but to replace dirty dictator oil around the world. Another great way to lower global emissions is to replace that dirty dictator oil with clean, green, low-carbon Canadian energy that we can be proud of and that brings powerful paycheques to our people and a better economy, which will help fix the productivity issue. After nine years of this government, Canada does not look like it is open for business anymore.
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  • Apr/18/24 2:03:45 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, Ottawa, our national capital, is a must-see destination for people from here and abroad, who come to visit Parliament, the National Gallery of Canada, the Rideau Canal, the Canadian Tulip Festival and even the Byward Market. Tourism is one of Ottawa's key economic drivers. Ottawa Tourism has worked with more than 450 tourism-related businesses to profile Ottawa and all of its cultural gems. This National Tourism Week is an opportunity to celebrate Ottawa's tourism economy, which employs more than 43,000 people and generates more than $3 billion a year for our region. The Ottawa tourism sector creates good jobs, shares cultures and grows our economy. Last year, under the tourism relief fund, almost $1 million was received by Ottawa—Vanier businesses, helping them develop new attractions and grow their businesses. That is why we will continue to invest in it. A thriving tourism sector means a thriving Canada.
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  • Apr/18/24 3:09:44 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, small and medium-sized businesses are an integral part of Canada's economy. They employ about 65% of Canada's workers. Recognizing that small businesses deserve additional supports, it is important for us to make doing business more affordable for entrepreneurs. Can the Minister of Small Business tell us about the measures in budget 2024 that will help entrepreneurs in Kitchener—Conestoga and across Canada?
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  • Apr/18/24 4:01:11 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, my colleague is always thoughtful, bringing information forward that is very useful, but when the member across the way says that so many people have new jobs, the government hiring hundreds of thousands of people is not going to help the economy. That does not increase the GDP. You also talked about who is going to be paying for this budget's huge deficit. Could you tell us again what your belief is as to who is going to be paying for this?
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  • Apr/18/24 4:17:25 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, it is a negative spiral. They work together, unfortunately. As there is more debt, it reduces the amount of economic growth. It is taking money out of the economy. The reality is, as that debt reduces the growth, it then reduces the amount of revenue. It gets to a negative spiral. This is exactly what Brian Mulroney had to deal with in the mid-eighties when he took over from Pierre Elliott Trudeau. It is a two-sided solution. We need to get the economy growing, and we need to reduce the debt so that Canadians could have a reasonable shot at prosperity.
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  • Apr/18/24 6:47:46 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, our government has a plan to drive the kind of economic growth that will ensure every generation of Canadians can reach their full potential. It is a plan to ensure that everyone gets a fair chance to build a good, middle-class life in Canada. The government believes in investing in Canadians and in creating economic growth, not in cuts and austerity as the Conservatives do. We are building a modern economy with jobs for the future and are investing today so the generations of tomorrow can have a fair shot at success. Canadians can count on our government to make life more affordable, while continuing to manage our public finances responsibly, and that is what we are proposing in budget 2024. It is about fairness for every generation and an economy that works for all Canadians.
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