Senator Gold: Yes. Thank you for your question, and for the opportunity to clarify.

That is exactly our understanding. It is the understanding, and shared with COPO, that ministers will sit in the aisle. As the motion indicates, neither the ministers nor senators questioning will be obliged to stand when asking or answering a question. That is the understanding.

Senator Patterson: Thank you.

[Translation]

Hon. Diane Bellemare: Esteemed colleagues, this is the second time I am rising to speak about the duration of membership on committees, now known as “portability of committee seats.” This is an issue that I’m passionate about, so please excuse me if that passion sometimes comes through.

I decided that this year, I would speak out again against the proposal that was initially made by the Independent Senators Group and that would invalidate the existing rule stating that a senator is appointed to a committee for the duration of the session.

Today,only 36 senators are here under the former duopoly that had existed in the Senate since 1867 and that ended when the new appointment process was implemented in 2016. Fifty-six of you, the majority, were not around under the previous system. There are a lot of new senators here who are not familiar with the challenges of modernizing the Senate. Some have not had the time to wonder why certain rules exist.

Changing the rules is dangerous when the majority thinks that everything from the old system is automatically bad. Some rules, like the one this report would subvert, have existed here since Confederation and exist elsewhere in the world.

Why did the former partisan Senate accept that a senator who switched affiliations would keep their seat for the duration of the session? That does not seem to make sense in a Senate where the party line was predominant. The reason is simpler than it appears. Despite all the faults of the former system, the partisan caucus leaders were nonetheless pragmatic and knew that it was wrong to prohibit the official participation of a senator in a committee simply because they switched affiliations. This prohibition is in fact a direct attack on a senator’s right to independence and to their privilege.

Senators will recall that we pledge allegiance to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II and not to a political party, caucus or group of independent senators. If a senator believes that they can best carry out their constitutional mandate by switching affiliations, that is their right. The group or caucus to which that senator belonged cannot take away their committee seat, because it is the Senate that assigns seats. The group or the caucus only has an instrumental role to play in this operation.

[English]

The group or caucus doesn’t own seats in committee; it helps to allocate them to senators.

[Translation]

Under the Rules of the Senate, the real power to decide the composition of committees rests essentially with the Senate. It is the Senate that allocates committee seats to senators, and it is the Senate that can take those seats away from a senator.

The proposal before us is an affront to the power of the Senate and, if we adopt it, we would once again set a dangerous precedent.

The reality is that this proposal seeks to empower groups or caucuses — one might even say the leaders of groups or caucuses — at the expense of a senator’s independence. However, the group or caucus does not have that power, and that is completely contrary to the spirit of the Senate modernization we have undertaken.

[English]

The current rule that ensures portability of committee seats within a session is a rule that enables a senator to fully accomplish their constitutional duty in the Senate and in committees. This rule protects the independence of a senator. If adopted, the sessional proposition before us could lead to a potential breach of privilege.

The fact is that a group cannot keep a committee seat that it does not have. The group helps in the allocation of seats, but at the end of the day, it is the Senate that appoints members in committees, and it is the Senate that can change the composition of committee membership.

[Translation]

Portability of committee seats protects the independence of senators and also helps ensure that tasks are divided equally between all senators, with each senator receiving an equivalent or nearly equivalent workload.

If that rule is circumvented, some senators could see their workload increase because they will have to take on the tasks of senators who may have left their seats, and others will have less work because the groups that may welcome new senators will have to give up their seat to them.

In my experience, to accomplish their role correctly, no senator can really sit long-term on more than two average-sized committees. If a senator decides to change affiliation, they will have to give up their seat on the committee, and it will have to be filled by other members of the group. Some will have to sit on three or four committees, as the case may be, and the group that welcomes a new member will have to give them a spot. Some may end up with just one committee. That is neither fair, effective nor proportional.

The leaders of the Independent Senators Group often say that the principle of proportionality is the most important principle and needs to be protected at all costs, but what does that principle really entail?

[English]

Let us discuss the principle of proportionality for a minute. Indeed, this is an important principle, but it is an operational principle that permits us to treat each senator equally. It is a tool to get the job of distribution of seats done.

Portability of committee seats helps to protect proportionality at all times. If a group loses members, its proportion within the Senate will diminish. It is common sense that its proportion of committee seats will diminish accordingly.

A group cannot maintain the importance of the principle of proportionality at the beginning of a session but then choose to disregard it when members decide to leave their group. The principle should always be applied and in both ways.

[Translation]

The reasons the Independent Senators Group put forward in committee in support of adopting this proposal lack substance. One might actually wonder if the ISG wants to secure an absolute majority in the Senate so it can impose its views? Who knows?

Esteemed colleagues, don’t let yourselves be fooled by unsubstantiated rhetoric. And, don’t forget that, in a less partisan, more independent Senate, the group is at the senator’s service, not the other way around. The group acts as the facilitator for the senators, and when Senators are at the service of the group or caucus they lose their independence.

Moreover, the current Rules protect the caucus or group if a senator’s affiliation changes. Rule 12-2(4)(b) states that, during the session, the Committee of Selection can “propose to the Senate . . . changes in the membership of a committee.”

This rule allows the Committee of Selection to propose to the Senate that a senator be relieved of their duties. It protects any group or caucus that feels wronged by a senator’s change in affiliation. I know from experience that this rule works very well.

I became an independent senator at the beginning of the Forty-second Parliament, when I realized that we had a very real opportunity to modernize the Senate. I wanted to fully participate. When I left the Conservative caucus, I kept my seat on various committees. However, the Conservative caucus wanted to take my seat on the Special Committee on Senate Modernization because it wanted to have its voice and vote heard there instead of mine. You might understand why.

A motion was moved at the Committee of Selection to replace me with former Senator Tkachuk. That proposal was approved by the Senate following debates in which former Senator Pratte strongly defended me.

[English]

This example clearly shows that the existing rules enable a group or caucus to act if it feels significantly impacted by the change in affiliation of one of its members while it respects, at the same time, the independence of an individual senator. It is well balanced, but a group must make their case first in front of the Selection Committee and then in the Senate. The rules respect the fact that the Senate is sovereign.

[Translation]

The proposal by the ISG is clearly a step backwards in the modernization of the Senate. I will also add that it is prejudicial to newly appointed senators.

New senators may feel overwhelmed when arriving in the Senate and don’t know exactly what to expect. They receive many invitations to join one group rather than another. There is considerable pressure on new senators to join a dominant group. In fact, it is a matter of numbers. A new senator will most likely receive more invitations from the largest group.

If all new senators become members of the largest group, the Senate will quickly return to a system where an absolute majority dominates. It is the majority rule, and I do not believe in it. The modernization of the Senate seeks to prevent this very situation. The rule that has existed since Confederation will not create chaos.

[English]

Senator Woo said in committee:

The senator got the seat at the expense of a colleague. Taking the seat away from the group would be an affront to procedural fairness and an insult to colleagues who played by the group’s rules.

This is false. It is consequential to the method chosen by the ISG to allocate seats.

Let me explain. Having been a senator since September 2012, I have had the chance to experience the process of committee membership selection many times and with different groups.

As explained last Thursday by Senator Woo in committee, the method of selection in the ISG works as follows: First, the group accepts a set of criteria for allocation of committee seats. So far so good. Second, each senator sends their preferences to the leadership. That’s common. Then the leadership allocates committee membership to each senator and negotiates individually when there is a problem. At first glance this sounds great and it sounds normal.

But there is a problem with this method. It lacks transparency. Twice I have experienced a much more transparent process — once with the first generation of the ISG, when late senator Elaine McCoy was the leader, and recently with the PSG. In both cases, preferences of individual senators were known to everyone at one point or another in the process.

The truth is that senators don’t have the same preferences. They don’t all want to be on the same committees. In most cases, senators can get their first and second choice. When demand for committee seats is higher than the supply of seats, transparency, common sense and mutual respect help to resolve exceptional cases that may happen 10% of the time, at most.

If I may suggest, allocating seats with more transparency solves many problems. The argument that a senator is getting a seat at the expense of another colleague disappears; it vanishes.

Senators, I invite you to vote against this second report, which circumvents a wise, equitable, pragmatic and long-standing rule. Rule 12-2(3), I reiterate, is fundamental to preserving a senator’s independence from a caucus or group. Do not let some leaders — or this report — do indirectly what the Rules do not permit us to do directly. I invite you to vote with your conscience. Thank you. Meegwetch.

Hon. Marilou McPhedran: Honourable senators, I acknowledge that the Parliament of Canada is situated on the unsurrendered territory of the Algonquin and Anishinabek First Nations, and as an independent senator from Manitoba, I am from Treaty 1 territory and the homeland of the Métis Nation.

I rise to add my own thoughts on this topic. I do so from the rather unique position I now hold within the Senate; that of sitting as a non-affiliated senator. A very small minority of senators sit as non-affiliated. Some do so by choice, others by virtue of their particular duties — by which I refer to those who serve in the GRO — and there are others who do so as circumstance dictates. Non-affiliation is to look through the window with an acute awareness of the banquet of privileges and comforts afforded to those who are group members.

There are barriers and procedural obstacles to full Senate participation — invisible when you are part of a group. This is a chosen and new experience for me. As most of you have never experienced non-affiliation, perhaps what I can share will add to the present debate.

For example, as a non-affiliated senator, I currently hold zero committee assignments. These are allocated according to group and caucus proportionality. Of the membership lists proposed in the recently tabled SELE first report — which nominates membership to 18 standing and select Senate committees, and which included 193 committee nominations for seats — I am named to not even one. Hopefully, that may change, but clearly I do not have equality with you, colleagues.

Honourable senators, we have a rare opportunity today — an opportunity to decline groupthink and to pay close attention to the proposed further erosion of our individual independence as senators. We can do this without impinging on your group benefits, and by adding to your individuality and agency as a senator.

I’m referring to the rule provision changes proposed in the present report from the Senate Selection Committee that would remove ownership of committee seats from individual senators and give additional whip-like powers to leaders who would control the seats instead.

This is not the first time this rule change has been moved. When I was a member of the Independent Senators Group in the previous Parliament, I recall that this provision was heavily supported by the then leadership of the ISG and of another group. I found this puzzling when I was a member of the ISG. You may recall that I stood with my esteemed colleague Senator Bellemare on the vote on her very reasonable proposal. Yes, I appreciated and understood the lure of committee membership as a reward for being a compliant group member, but I had to ask how such a rule would actually make the Senate more modern, accountable, transparent and independent.

It is those goals that brought me here, and I do not think I am alone in sharing those goals. Shall I just say that, from this side of the chamber, I can see more clearly now, and concern about true independence of senators leads to the inescapable conclusion that senators should not have to sacrifice their committee contributions if they choose to be truly independent and decide they no longer wish to remain in a particular group. Having more groups than, in effect, a duopoly defined by two political parties is a good innovation that we’ve seen grow over the past five years.

A better future for our democracy and for the Senate means that groupings of senators coalesce around shared values about what is best for their province and for our country. With independence, senators choose to align themselves accordingly, and in keeping their independence, senators should be able to choose when it’s time to leave a group, and certainly without the implied threat of forced removal from their committee responsibilities. It should be a warning to us all that some leaders hold the view that independence should not extend to the right of senators to hold a committee seat.

As I understand the concern of those who support the SELE report proposal, senators must serve and please their group or caucus leaders if they hope to keep a committee seat that they obtain through the combination of group and Senate as a whole process.

The logic for this proposed new rule seems to be that every senator who belongs to a group or who has obtained their committee seat by being sheltered or sponsored by a particular group or party must remain obedient and beholden to the leadership of that group in order to hold on to their committee seat. But as we’ve heard repeatedly this evening, that’s not what our Rules say. The truth is that each Senate committee membership is a result of being named to a committee by the Senate, not by group leaders, and that what’s confirmed in their committee seat. Our Rules promise that a senator “shall serve for the duration of the session.” The exception to this is that group leaders can authorize temporary replacements in accordance with our Rules as an exception, and it is important to note that though these changes are technically permanent, there is a strong tradition of reinstating the original member. But consider this: It is a tradition that leaders can ignore if they have notice of a member’s desire to leave the group.

We have just had a tragic reminder of how fluid Senate membership is in fact — through death, retirements, new appointments. Committee membership does not change for senators in place unless they so choose. A number of us gave up our seats on committees when new senators arrived in order to give them an opportunity. If I understand the argument presented in this report, it suggests that senators are not entitled to committee seats but in effect the seats belong to the group process that assigned that spot. Yes, the established practice is that senators are subject to their group’s negotiations as then played out amongst the leaders of all groups.

Honourable senators, please remember this. In the end, now it is the Senate that appoints senators to serve on committees, not leaders or groups. Why would we want to take that away from our institution in order to increase the control and power of a few group leaders? Why would we want to elevate the power of a few individual senators to such a degree? It is illogical to suggest that there is somehow a violation if a senator decides to leave a group and holds on to their committee seat. The Rules are clear that a seat belongs to a senator.

Senator Tannas raised an interesting point this evening, referencing rule 12-5. A Speaker’s ruling on May 9, 2007, noted that:

. . . independent senators can indicate, in writing, that they agree to accept the authority of either the government or the opposition whip for the purposes of membership changes.

This arrangement is entirely voluntary. If an independent senator does not write such a letter, or withdraws it, the rule respecting changes does not apply.

Similarly, if a senator withdraws from a caucus, rule 12-5 would cease to apply. In the latter case, that senator would retain any then current committee memberships unless removed either through a report of the Committee of Selection or a substantive motion adopted by the Senate. This is at page 1510 in the Journals of the Senate.

To quote Senator Cordy in The Hill Times:

It has been suggested that not agreeing to this change has resulted in the Senate being held hostage. But if this change proceeds, it would be senators themselves who would be held hostage. Their leaders would effectively own committee seats.

Honourable senators, this is a pivotal moment for us in our self-government.

Does this proposed rule give you the Senate you really want? Do you really want to limit your independence in this way? Do you really want to diminish your rights as an individual senator in this way? Have you asked yourself what harm may come to the independence of this home for sober second and often innovative first thought?

Please think ahead; please think carefully about what happens when a power that is held collectively is divvied up and handed to a tiny minority within the collective. If you accept this change to existing practice, you will undoubtedly please your leader and will establish a new way of doing business that will become difficult, if not impossible, to reverse.

But I ask you this: Is your leader’s pleased approval of your potential compliance worth the price of diminishing the rights of all senators in the process? Is that truly in the spirit of a more modern and independent Senate? Do you truly believe that group and leadership interests should override individual independence and committee work?

Consider this: The House of Lords has 6 groups with 25 or more members yet still entrusts its members to maintain their committee roles throughout a parliamentary session. The Australian Senate has three groups of nine or more members and does the same. These equivalent parliamentary bodies are not proponents of group control over senators’ independence.

Since 1867, individual senators received their committee seats by motion and decision of the Senate, facilitated by a few leaders, yes, but the decision was made by us as a collective, and so for 154 years individual senators have been entrusted to serve honourably using their own judgment. At the core of that trust is that Senate committees, not Senate groups, have been given the responsibility of studying legislation and issues referred to them. A modern, more transparent, more accountable Senate should uphold this historic independence of individual senators and their best possible contributions to committees.

I want to close by casting to an even more modern and democratic Senate by adopting a point made by Senator Woo, quoted as saying:

Indeed, if Senators were assigned their seats through an all-Senate process rather than by group negotiations, a case can be made that the seats “belong” to individual Senators.

In that scenario, there would be no violation of the seat-assignment process if Senators change groups. But good luck to anyone trying to come up with a Senate-wide system of assigning committee seats by individual member.

In fact, dear colleagues, we already have such a system. We are already using a Senate-wide system whereby individual senators are assigned committee seats and all we have to do is make it clear that we — as senators — integrate the tradition and affirm our independence and dedication to the integrity of this institution, that we reject the introduction of expanding and entrenching unequal power held by a small number of senators who happen to be called “leader.” Thank you, meegwetch.

Hon. Yuen Pau Woo: Your Honour, given the late hour and the heightened passions around this debate, I think it might be wise for me to take the adjournment for the balance of my time. I will be happy to expound the case in favour of the report and rebut many of the points that have been raised tonight.

(On motion of Senator Woo, debate adjourned.)

The Senate proceeded to consideration of the third report (interim) of the Committee of Selection, entitled Committee Meeting Schedule, presented in the Senate on December 2, 2021.

Hon. Tony Loffreda: Honourable senators, today I rise as the critic for Bill S-203, An Act respecting a federal framework on autism spectrum disorder. I can assure you that I support Senator Housakos’ bill and hope it will be passed. I would like to thank both Senator Housakos and Senator Boehm for their speeches last week. I think that, together, they showed us why we are in urgent need of a federal framework.

I’m here today as an ally of the community of people with autism spectrum disorder, not as a caregiver or person with direct, personal experience with people with autism. I know some of you have that kind of experience, and I hope we’ll have a chance to hear from you.

[English]

Colleagues, as Senator Housakos pointed out last week, this bill would empower the Minister of Health to develop a federal framework on autism spectrum disorder in consultation with other cabinet ministers, representatives from provincial and territorial governments and relevant stakeholders from the medical, research and advocacy communities.

The bill requires that the framework address six key areas. They are: financial support for autistic persons and their families, including the establishment or expansion of tax benefits as required; support for caregivers of autistic persons; a national research network to promote research and improve data collection on autism spectrum disorder; a national public awareness campaign to enhance knowledge and understanding about autism spectrum disorder; an online resource on best practices to support autistic persons, their families and their caregivers; and mechanisms to ensure accountability in the use of federal funds for autistic persons and their families.

As you can see, the bill provides the minister with a roadmap on what the framework should include and is broad enough to allow for flexibility and originality. It is, by no means, too prescriptive. The bill also requires that the minister table the federal framework in both houses of Parliament within 18 months after the day on which S-203 receives Royal Assent.

I am also happy to see that the bill includes a five-year ministerial review. Upon completion of this review, the minister must table a report that sets out the measures from the framework that have been implemented, those that have yet to be implemented, and their effectiveness in supporting autistic persons, their families and caregivers.

As I’ve often said, you can’t improve what you don’t measure. If you collect data and if you assess performance, you are in a much better position to manage results, properly evaluate outcomes, and make appropriate changes and improvements moving forward.

As you know, there’s been talk about establishing a national autism strategy for many years. There’s been meetings. There’s been funding. There’s been proposals and blueprints. And yet, here we are today debating a bill that would legislate the creation of a federal framework on ASD.

Two months ago, the Canadian Autism Spectrum Disorder Alliance—CASDA, held its 7th Annual Canadian Autism Leadership Summit during which they reiterated their strong desire for the implementation of a strategy that would ensure that all autistic people living in Canada have full and equal access to the resources they require to achieve their full potential. As Senator Boehm pointed out, a national strategy could be created within the framework proposed in S-203.

As it was mentioned last week, there are many ASD advocates in this chamber. I would be remiss if I didn’t acknowledge the work of our former colleague Senator Munson.

As for me, my involvement with the autistic community goes back more than 10 years, more than a decade ago, and it all started when our friend and colleague Senator Housakos introduced me to Giant Steps.

As he alluded to in his speech, for more than 40 years, Giant Steps has been offering second-to-none educational services to students aged 4 to 21 years old with autism spectrum disorders. I always refer to it as the Harvard of autism schools in Canada. It is truly a global leader in its field.

More than a decade ago, the school initially reached out to me in my capacity as a senior executive at RBC and because of my community involvement and philanthropic activities. At the time, most banking institutions were hesitant to invest in schools. It was always more difficult to secure financing. They and we wanted to change that. I can proudly say there has been considerable improvement on that front.

I was immediately touched by the struggles and hardships of families affected by ASD, the limited resources and the financial gaps in offering adequate services that are highly individualized, intensive and holistic.

One meeting — that’s all it took for me to be fully onboard and committed to helping Giant Steps raise funds so it could properly expand its services and resources, share and adopt best practices, and increase awareness. For more than 10 years, and up until my appointment to the Senate, I’ve helped raised significant funds for Giant Steps.

I’m also happy to report, as mentioned by Senator Housakos last week, that Giant Steps also recently secured a $15-million grant from the Government of Québec and raised millions of dollars for a new, 67,000 square foot, cutting-edge facility in Montreal.

The Giant Steps Autism Centre will include a specialized school, a training centre for adults, a community resource centre and a research hub, all dedicated to the lifespan needs of people with autism. It has been designed to take into consideration the many perceptual differences and sensory challenges often facing people with autism.

One of the last fundraising events I chaired for the school was in June 2018 when I served as honorary president of the Formula 1 Grand Prix du Canada gala. “The Grand Evening,” as we call it, raised funds for two groups dedicated to autism: Giant Steps and the Véro & Louis Foundation.

[Translation]

For those who may not be familiar with the Véro & Louis Foundation, it was founded in 2016 to advocate for long-term housing for adults with autism. The foundation’s ultimate goal is to create homes for people with autism who are 21 years of age and older, with or without intellectual disabilities. The first house opened last spring in Varennes, a suburb of Montreal. The foundation is aiming high and hopes to build more such homes.

A multidisciplinary team of experts left nothing to chance in the design and construction of the house. Everything was carefully thought out. In an article published on June 10 in La Presse, Laila Maalouf wrote, and I quote:

In this brand new building surrounded by green space and birdsong, next to newly built condos, everything exudes calm and serenity. The environment is subdued, specially designed to avoid any sensory stimulation that would disturb the well-being of the residents. Absolutely everything, down to the smallest detail, has been thought out and purposely designed with that in mind. The lighting is soft; the corners are rounded; the mirrors in the bathrooms can be covered up for those who prefer not to see their reflection; the white paint on the walls is combined with light-coloured wood to create a soothing effect . . . Even the stainless-steel countertops in the kitchen are matte to avoid any reverberation.

I felt the need to quote this excerpt from La Presse because it clearly shows the importance of research and best practices, two things that Bill S-203 seeks to do by establishing a national framework.

[English]

In many ways, I feel like knowledge and understanding will lead to awareness and acceptance. If we understand the difficulties and uniqueness of autism spectrum disorder, or ASD, we will have greater awareness and are in a better position to accept and embrace those differences — judgment free. One crucial piece of Bill S-203 is just that: a national public awareness campaign.

Before I wrap up, I want to share a story from Italy that goes to the heart of what this bill seeks to achieve: namely, the development and implementation of a federal framework that could provide autistic Canadians with assistance with respect to employment. Time and time again, we hear that individuals with ASD are often left to fend for themselves once they reach adulthood. Housing and employment are major barriers for many. The Véro & Louis Foundation is trying to fill that void by offering a home for autistic adults, but I want to briefly mention a wonderful success story from Milan, Italy, called PizzAut – not to be confused with Pizza Hut.

PizzAut is a new Italian pizzeria run by young adults with autism. It is a laboratory for social inclusion and a non-profit organization that offers work, training and, above all, dignity to people with autism. Each autistic person receives personalized training to become a pizza chef or a waiter. Each workspace and tool has been designed to help support them in their daily work. Taking orders, for example, could be a daunting task for some. Samsung stepped in and created the first app that allows autistic people to literally manage a restaurant. Everything was designed and engineered with the autistic person in mind. They were at the heart of its development. Autistic waiters get to work in a completely independent way.

What else could we ask for? We get to eat good pizza while doing some good, promoting diversity, embracing inclusiveness, creating a feeling of community and giving these young adults a sense of accomplishment and belonging — a sense of purpose. A sense of purpose is what we all want in life, and they deserve that too.

Let’s not forget to mention that PizzAut has been a major hit since it opened its doors last spring. There’s already talk about expanding the model, and why not? It’s a brilliant idea: It’s noble, inclusive and empowering. In fact, the city of Milan is honouring PizzAut today, December 7, with a certificate of Civic Merit as part of its Ambrogini d’Oro awards.

Over the years, I’ve met with board members of autistic schools, educators, parents closely affected by autism and other stakeholders to explore future employment possibilities for the autism community. I know there is some interest, and I’ve also met with potential investors looking into replicating the PizzAut model in Canada. In fact, they were the ones who approached me. That’s how I became aware of the model. We all know how difficult it is for adults on the spectrum to secure employment in adulthood, so this is great news, and I see much potential for this initiative.

It’s also worth pointing out that the finance and labour committee of the Italian Senate adopted an amendment to its tax law last week, endorsed by all parties, that would provide important tax and contribution reductions for innovative companies and start-ups that hire workers with autism spectrum disorder. This sends a strong signal to the business community that embracing diversity and giving ASD individuals employment opportunities will be rewarded. The amendment is not law yet but, as I understand it, success is just around the corner.

The big challenge is providing work for those with autism, and I was advised that people from PizzAut came looking for advice, asking if there was something we could do in the Senate to create a law similar to what they have in other countries — to encourage Canadian companies to hire those with ASD and to create a sense of community. We need a sense of community for the people who have autism and for adults especially — because the schools are great, but once they get to a certain age, they need more. This is what we have to create. I am confident that they will export that model elsewhere, and we will eventually have both purpose and work for adults with autism.

Honourable senators, as I conclude, I want to remind everyone that ASD affects 1 in 66 children and youth in Canada. We also know that a person with ASD may find it difficult to connect or interact with other people for a multitude of reasons. They could have difficulty communicating with others, find social situations intolerable or simply show little or no interest in a plethora of activities, subjects and hobbies. In my humble opinion, Bill S-203 can offer a glimpse of hope and encouragement to the ASD community, and particularly to parents and caregivers who need that hope and encouragement.

Last week, Senator Boehm reminded us that, like other parents of autistic individuals, he worries about the future and who will advocate for his son. I want to reassure you, Senator Boehm, and thank you and Senator Housakos for introducing the bill. I want to reassure you, senators, and the entire ASD community of my unending support and commitment. I will continue to advocate for greater resources, services and funding for the autistic community.

I hope our colleagues will join us on this quest, and I hope this bill can be sent to committee before the holidays so it can be given the attention it deserves. I have no doubt that the many stakeholders will welcome the opportunity to offer some insight on this bill, which is very important. Canada’s ASD community is relying on us all to get this done, to get it done right and to get it done soon. Thank you.

Hon. Diane F. Griffin: Honourable senators, my question is for the Government Representative in the Senate. The Potato Wart Domestic Long Term Management Plan, which was put in place after potato wart was detected for the first time in Prince Edward Island in 2000, has worked well.

The Canadian Food Inspection Agency, or CFIA, has done extensive enforcement. As a result, potato wart was detected quickly when it reappeared in two Island fields this year. The system worked.

But then the CFIA shut down export of table potatoes to the United States anyway. Senator Gold, what is the point of having a long-term management plan if Island farmers, truck drivers and processors aren’t going to be able to export their potatoes?

Hon. Marc Gold (Government Representative in the Senate): Senator, thank you for your question. As I’ve explained in this chamber in recent weeks, the decision to impose a temporary ban on the export of P.E.I. potatoes was a difficult one. The decision was taken by the government as — if I may use the expression — the “least bad” alternative that it faced in the context of this ongoing trade relationship.

With regard to your specific question, the Canadian Food Inspection Agency and the Government of Canada take the detection of quarantine pests seriously. The Canadian Food Inspection Agency’s Potato Wart Domestic Long Term Management Plan is an important one. It remains and should remain in place. It’s being applied to any new finds, as are other regulatory measures, to ensure that potato wart does not spread. However, with regard to the situation — and it’s a difficult situation for potato farmers in Prince Edward Island — the government has intentions to put into place a strategy to deal with this situation to not only provide reassurance but to restore markets and to support farmers.

Senator Griffin: Senator Gold may be aware that tomorrow a large truckload of Prince Edward Island potatoes will arrive in Ottawa for free distribution — just down the street here. If anyone wants a 10-pound bag of potatoes, that’s the place to get them tomorrow. I don’t know if you were aware of that.

Hon. Marc Gold (Government Representative in the Senate): Thank you for your question and for underlining the very troubling and unacceptable situation. I don’t have the specific answer as to why the Government of Canada has not proceeded publicly and unilaterally as you’ve suggested.

However, I do know that the Government of Canada, working with its allies on this and on many other issues dealing with our very difficult relationship with a difficult country, China, continues to work hard — often behind the scenes but hard nonetheless — to make sure that China and our allies understand how unacceptable the Chinese behaviour, in too many respects, is to the Canadian government.

Hon. Senators: Hear, hear.

[English]

Hon. Marc Gold (Government Representative in the Senate): I was raised to always give gifts back when I’m offered one, so let me congratulate you on being consistent for the last five years in attempting to delegitimize the new and less partisan independent Senate. With all due respect, the fact is that your characterization of the reasons for which the parliamentary secretary was named — and it is indeed an innovation — have it completely backwards.

This is an indication of the importance that this government attaches to its relationship with the Senate. It’s a recognition that there is still work to be done — and this is not at all to visit this upon the honourable senator opposite — for all members of Parliament, whether in the Senate and certainly in the House of Commons, to recognize that the Senate has changed and that the Senate needs to be thought of in a different, more consistent and coherent way in the other place.

The parliamentary secretary, who I will have the pleasure to work with is part of a growing team of ministers who understand the value that the Senate brings and the work that it does and will continue to do. I’m proud to represent this government in this chamber and to be part of the process of modernization and growing independence of this chamber. It serves Canadians well.

On the Order:

Resuming debate on the motion of the Honourable Senator Harder, P.C., seconded by the Honourable Senator Bellemare, for the second reading of Bill S-2, An Act to amend the Parliament of Canada Act and to make consequential and related amendments to other Acts.

Hon. Leo Housakos (Acting Leader of the Opposition): Honourable senators, I rise on Bill S-2, An Act to amend the Parliament of Canada Act and to make consequential and related amendments to other Acts.

Colleagues, I will be brief. At the end of the day, when I look at legislation like this, for example, which is an exact piece of legislation we dealt with in the previous Parliament, nothing has changed. We had a Committee of the Whole that addressed this issue.

Hon. Patricia Bovey: Honourable senators, I speak from the unceded territory of the Algonquin and Anishinaabe.

[Translation]

Thank you for the opportunity to talk about my candidacy for the position of Speaker pro tempore of the Senate. My regards to my colleague, Senator Ringuette.

In this place, we debate, discuss and make decisions about all kinds of issues, concerns and rights. A respectful environment conducive to balancing multiple perspectives and points of view is crucial to that process.

The Speaker pro tempore is responsible for ensuring that sense of respect and fairness in the deliberations of this house while always protecting and promoting the fundamental equality of all senators.

Collaboration among us, among all our groups, is also essential to a functional modern Senate.

[English]

You know that my interests, like our debates, are multidimensional. They are not only about arts and culture, but include the important voices of all Canadians garnered from my travels to every part of this country. They embrace the interconnected concerns of the Arctic, reconciliation, Black Lives Matter and the economic, living and health concerns of all residents of Canada.

As most of you know, I acted as pro tempore for two years. I have sponsored both government and Senate public bills, and through my work as deputy chair and a steering committee member of a number of committees, you have seen my understanding of this chamber’s roles, rules and procedures.

Embodying and following the Rules as I do and have done, defending them as pro tempore in the Senate with fairness, integrity and impartiality, building trust is paramount. Those principles comprise my mantra for this office and for all my Senate responsibilities.

These five years with you as a member of this chamber, honouring its roles on behalf of all Canadians, have been impactful. It would be a privilege to serve the Senate as Speaker pro tempore, and the role would draw from all my Senate experiences and my pre-Senate, five-decade career of cultural and educational leadership and policy development in British Columbia, Manitoba, throughout Western Canada and from serving national institutions — those in Quebec and our country internationally.

[Translation]

I promise to serve with diligence and dignity, engagement and substance.

Thank you, meegwetch.

Hon. Pierrette Ringuette: Honourable senators, I rise today to seek your support in my bid to become Speaker pro tempore for this first session of our Forty-fourth Parliament.

As I indicated to you last week, I am interested in guiding our deliberations, when our Speaker is absent, and sharing my experience, skills and knowledge with you.

[English]

This week marks my nineteenth year as a senator, and I have white hair to show it. Of course, during all those years, I have witnessed and participated in vigorous debates leading to votes. I have always done so with respect for senators expressing different perspectives which, I believe, enrich us all.

Our world, our country and the Senate of Canada have had to adjust to the reality of COVID-19 in early 2020. Our hybrid sittings, including Committees of the Whole, enabled us to fulfill our mandate, and I was honoured to serve as Speaker pro tempore to ensure robust and respectful debates. To do so, one certainly needs to know the Rules, the required decorum and many more subtleties that a seasoned parliamentarian ascertains so that our deliberations are respectful, fair and impartial.

Honourable senators, this is the seasoned perspective I am able to offer as Speaker pro tempore.

[Translation]

Honourable senators, in addition to my 19 years in the Senate, my personal experience as Deputy Speaker of the New Brunswick Legislative Assembly and as Assistant Deputy Speaker in the House of Commons taught me to treat everyone with respect, fairness and impartiality.

The success of our efforts also depends on the ability of the Chair to oversee our sometimes contentious debates. Each of us brings our own values and ideals to the Senate, which enriches our work. However, we all share the same goal of maintaining rigour and reinvigorating the Senate of Canada for the well-being of Canadians.

[English]

Honourable senators, I was honoured to serve as your Speaker pro tempore following our first process, and I welcome this second election process for our Speaker pro tempore. It is another step in our journey to modernize the Senate and signals that this is not a static institution.

In my perspective, everyone wins in a democratic process — those that vote and those that put their name forward. I want to thank Senator Bovey for being a candidate and, as always, I wish her well.

[Translation]

I hope I can count on your support. Thank you.

Hon. Leo Housakos (Acting Leader of the Opposition): Honourable senators, “Superfan” is the name coined by NBA great and then-General Manager of the Toronto Raptors Isiah Thomas in recognition of the one and only Nav Bhatia, perhaps the most well-known fan of any professional sport. The day-one Raptors fan has been riding a high ever since he saw his beloved basketball team bring the NBA championship home to “We the North” a couple of years ago. He was the first non-player ever to receive a player championship ring; that’s how much he means to the Toronto Raptors. And he has now made it into the Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Fame; that’s how much he means to the NBA.

Now Nav’s story is being turned into a Hollywood film starring and produced by Kal Penn. It promises to be a story about tenacity and perseverance — the team’s, but more importantly, Nav’s story. I had the pleasure of speaking personally with Nav a few years ago when my son was buying his first car. He is as genuine, enthusiastic and pleasant as ever.

Nav came to this country seeking refuge from the dangers he, as a Sikh man, faced in his native India. He had trouble finding work in his field of engineering. Nobody wanted to hire a guy with a turban and an accent. He eventually found work as a car salesman, but quickly realized that he would face the same discrimination by many of his work colleagues. He knew he’d have to work twice as hard if he was going to make it. It’s a familiar story amongst immigrants.

Nav could have done what so many immigrants did at the time. He could have anglicized his name, cut his hair and not worn the turban. But he had promised his dear mother many years before that was one thing he would never do. So he did what he does best; he approached his job and his co-workers with his trademark charm and upbeat personality, and he established a sales record that stands to this day.

Nav went on to become manager of that dealership and eventually purchased it. It’s one of three car dealerships that he now owns. There’s so much more I can tell you about this incredible man and how he has become an ambassador for a basketball team, a city and now a whole country — but I wouldn’t want to spoil the movie. I just wanted to take an opportunity to give superfan Nav Bhatia a tip of the hat for his courage, his perseverance and his unwavering dedication to being a positive role model for so many young Canadians, a great Raptor and a great Canadian. Thank you, honourable senators.

Hon. Kim Pate: Honourable senators, like a shooting star, Cherry Kingsley blazed bright, but last week left us too soon and wanting more. We met in 1988. Within minutes of meeting her, I offered her what she described as her first “straight job,” and so she became the founding member of the Alberta Youth In Care and Custody Network and the driving force behind the Youth Advocate in ’88 conference.

When her housing fell through, she moved in and so joined our family, later adding her beloved son Dakota to our circle. When Cherry was 11, she and her sister fled their home to escape abuse by her stepfather. Indigenous girls, they were both taken into care and at once abandoned to the streets. Like too many, she was used, abused and traumatized by many and trafficked between Calgary and Vancouver. She challenged us to recognize the misogyny, racism and class bias of ordinary men — fathers, husbands, grandfathers, uncles and brothers — particularly men in significant positions of privilege who objectified, dehumanized, degraded, used and abused children and young women. She challenged police officers, social workers, politicians and the UN to uphold the rights of women and children.

Cherry was brilliant, articulate, courageous, generous and caring, and used her experiences to open the eyes and minds of many. She demanded we all recognize that children were trafficked and exploited in the sex trade and were not willing participants. Thanks to her, international human rights bodies changed their language and eliminated the term “child prostitute” from all lexicons.

In 1996, Cherry and Senator Pearson attended the first World Congress against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children. In 1998, they co-chaired Out From the Shadows, an international summit of sexually exploited youth. They presented the results and an agenda for action to the United Nations. The same year, Cherry co-authored the Sacred Lives report with future B.C. MLA Minister Melanie Mark.

She also found common cause with former senator Roméo Dallaire and former Minister Ethel Dorothy Blondin-Andrew, who nominated Cherry for a Governor General’s Award in Commemoration of the Persons Case in 2000. When asked by security staff here on the Hill what the medal was for — quicker than lightning — she quipped “Hurdles!”

I am so grateful to have known and loved Cherry. I miss her in more ways than I can describe. Thank you.

Hon. Senators: Hear, hear.

Hon. Pat Duncan: Honourable senators, I rise today from the traditional territory of the Kwanlin Dün First Nation and the Ta’an Kwäch’än Council to give thanks on behalf of Yukoners and Canadians for the lifetime of public service by Jack Cable.

Jack was born on August 17, 1934, the date of the discovery of gold in the Yukon. Jack earned a bachelor’s degree in chemical engineering at the University of Toronto, a master’s degree in business administration from McMaster University and a law degree from Western University. Called to both the Ontario and Yukon bar, he moved his family to the Yukon in 1970, practising with others and founding a well-recognized, distinguished law firm.

Jack served as president of Yukon Energy, the Yukon Development Corporation, a director of the Northern Canada Power Commission, or NCPC, president of the Whitehorse and Yukon chambers of commerce and director of the Yukon Science Institute. He helped found the Recycle Organics Together Society, or ROTS, and the Boreal Alternate Energy Centre. The list of Jack’s involvements goes on and on.

Honourable senators, Jack Cable was Sue Edelman’s dad — my sister Girl Guide, fellow swim club mom and colleague in the Yukon Legislative Assembly. My most vivid memories of Jack, however, are serving with Jack and Sue as my colleagues in the Yukon Legislative Assembly, a father-daughter team elected to the Yukon legislature.

Jack, Sue and I served as three members of the Third Party in the Yukon Legislative Assembly. Three members of the Yukon Party, all men, were designated as the official opposition in that session, despite Jack’s very well-reasoned argument presented to the Speaker and the clerk.

Sue and I, as new MLAs, learned a great deal from Jack. Our preparations for Question Period are one of my very fond memories. Sue and I would leave our meeting thinking our questions were well prepared. Dear Jack would most often return from a perhaps coincidental encounter in the hallways with one of the members of the Yukon Party.

After these coincidental encounters, the well-crafted questions by Sue and I would often be redeveloped or fine-tuned with advice that Jack had gained from new information from these coincidental encounters. Jack would say, “We are ad idem on this, are we not?”

Jack served as the member for Riverside from 1992 until 2000. Upon his retirement from elected office, he served as the Commissioner of Yukon, the territory’s equivalent to a lieutenant-governor, until 2005, whereupon he retired to farm root crops and Christmas trees. Proceeds from the sale of the Christmas trees benefited the Braeburn Lake summer camp.

Jack gifts to the Yukon were environmentally sound and powerful. He was also a mentor — training, guiding, cajoling and leading more than one politician in our territory.

Whether you are conversing in Latin ad idem — of the same mind — or not, there is agreement. The legacy of Jack Cable lives on in his tremendous contributions to the people of the Yukon. We honour him and thank his extended family and friends and his wife, Faye, for sharing his leadership and commitment and, most especially, Jack for leaving our Yukon, and Canada, a better place.

Thank you, mahsi’cho.