- Member of Parliament
- Member of Parliament
- Liberal
- Halifax West
- Nova Scotia
- Voting Attendance: 68%
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Madam Speaker, I look forward to any time the member stands up, because she has a lot of experience and personal connection to this.
Absolutely, yes. That is the purpose of establishing and having the composition on the council's board of directors. The board will establish a process for nominating and electing future directors, as well as filling the other posts. There are a lot of opportunities for others to be on the board.
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Madam Speaker, I want to remind everybody that following the recommendation of the interim board, a transitional committee was established to review the legislative framework and ensure that the proposed vision and function of a future council was well supported. It went to committee.
The key provisions of the bill were to establish a composition to the council's board of directors. Of course, there is a nomination by the first nations, a nomination by the Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami and one by the Métis National Council. These are the three nations represented in our Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. I am very happy about the addition of the Native Women's Association of Canada, because we all know that women and elders are key in establishing truth and reconciliation.
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Madam Speaker, Bill C‑29 would establish the national council for reconciliation. This council will be a permanent, independent and indigenous-led organization. It will monitor and support the progress being made towards reconciliation in Canada, including the full implementation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's calls to action. Indigenous and non-indigenous people have a lot to do to contribute to this council.
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Madam Speaker, kwe, ulaakut, tansi, hello, bonjour and marhaba. I would like to acknowledge before I begin that Canada's Parliament is located on the unceded traditional territory of the Algonquin Anishinabe people.
I am proud today to stand and participate in the third reading debate on Bill C-29, an act to provide for the establishment of a national council for reconciliation. First, I want to thank my colleague, the parliamentary secretary to the minister of Crown-indigenous relations and the member for Sydney—Victoria. For the many years I have known him, his information, his experience, his knowledge and everything I have learned from him have really enriched me and made me a better representative of the people, so I want to thank him for that.
In September we marked the second National Day for Truth and Reconciliation, and I recognize there is still a lot of work to do and that Canadians rightfully want to see more tangible progress.
For example, a few weeks ago, the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation participated in the raising of the survivors' flag on Parliament Hill. The flag pays tribute to the survivors and those affected by residential schools, and it represents our responsibility and commitment to reconciliation.
During the ceremony, the right hon. Prime Minister reminded us that reconciliation is something in which all Canadians, including all levels of government, can and must participate. Reconciliation is not just something that affects indigenous peoples or the government. It affects all of us, including all the members here today.
We need to know where we are making important progress on reconciliation and, more importantly, where we are failing and why, so that we can do better.
These conversations are not easy, but progress is being made, and indigenous communities, families and survivors are guiding that progress.
I would like to take some time to reflect on the genesis of this legislation. The road to get here required collaboration and a lot of work. Bill C-29 has been many years in the making, and as I just mentioned, the original idea for the national council was laid out in 2015 by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Since then we have been working from the foundation set by the TRC commissioners to advance and establish this council.
In 2018, an interim board made up of six eminent indigenous leaders—including one of the commissioners from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission—made recommendations based on its extensive research and consultations regarding the council's mandate, governance and operations, which served as a basis for a draft legislative framework for consultation. The interim board also recommended the creation of a transitional committee to move the initiative forward.
Last December, our government announced the creation of the transitional committee. The committee members examined the draft legislative framework, consulted indigenous and non-indigenous technical experts and provided their recommendations. That led to the bill that is before us today.
As we heard from the members of the transitional Standing Committee on Indigenous and Northern Affairs, it is clear the bill is the culmination of a substantial amount of work, including many years of advocacy by indigenous people and leaders. The council's mandate would be to advance reconciliation in Canada, including monitoring and evaluating the government's progress on all of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's calls to action. This means the council would have access to relevant information about how governments are delivering on their commitments.
I also want to emphasize that the national council for reconciliation would be completely independent of the government and operate as a not-for-profit organization. As such, it will answer neither to Canada nor to the Crown.
We will have no control over this council. the Government of Canada will provide an endowment fund and initial funding, but I can guarantee that it will be run by indigenous individuals.
After coming so far, it would be unwise to let the opportunity to accelerate the legislation slip through our hands.
Creating the national council for reconciliation is one of of the best tools we have available to achieve true reconciliation in this country.
While there is much work to be done on reconciliation, there is innovative work happening across the country. Part of the council's mandate would be to conduct research on new and promising practices to advance efforts on reconciliation.
In addition to its monitoring and reporting work on the progress of reconciliation, the council would be a strong and respected authority in the area of reconciliation. It would not only be there for oversight, it would also be there to set an example. The council would play a role in promoting reconciliation in its own way. This means communicating the realities and stories of indigenous peoples to the public and fostering dialogue, reflection and action leading to reconciliation.
This research could be based on segments of Canadian society that are already contributing to reconciliation work. The interim board and the transitional committee have clearly indicated that these positive examples also need to be highlighted. We can and must learn from the successes that have already taken place.
In addition to research, education and monitoring, the council could determine additional priorities as it moves forward in its work. This bill is not exhaustive, but rather is intended to be a flexible framework for the council. We must give the council the authority to pursue other measures it deems important and necessary to achieve its purpose.
To get to this point, many indigenous voices were included in developing the bill that we are debating. The interim board engaged with various indigenous and non-indigenous people and organizations on options to establish the council. Board members helped define the scope and scale of the council's mandate.
The indigenous process will not end with the passage of the bill. In fact, the bill itself contains provisions to ensure that the voices of indigenous people and communities will remain at the centre of the national council for reconciliation's work moving forward.
I would like to thank all those who helped design this bill. I am very grateful for the work of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada commissioners, members of the interim board of directors, members of the transitional committee, survivors, families and all indigenous and non-indigenous people who are campaigning for the government to be held accountable for its promises of reconciliation.
Together, we are advancing this difficult but important work. This bill goes far beyond the creation of a national council for reconciliation. It is about making a new commitment to reconciliation in this country. It is about finding common ground to move forward together.
I call upon my colleagues to advance Bill C-29 and pass the proposed legislation without delay. We must work with purpose and action to fulfill the calls to action and establish the council as quickly as we can.
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Madam Speaker, it is my privilege to rise today on the traditional and unceded territory of the Algonquin Anishinabe people to speak in support of Bill S-219, an act respecting a national ribbon skirt day.
I am grateful to my colleague, the member for Fredericton, for bringing this forward. I want to acknowledge the significant work and leadership of Senator McCallum on this important piece of legislation and the contributions of Chief George Cote of the Cote First Nation.
Each and every opportunity we have, that all of us have, to engage with and learn from indigenous culture is one that we should take and cherish. The bill before us represents an opportunity for Canadians of all backgrounds to learn about a unique and beautiful part of indigenous culture, the ribbon skirt.
The ribbon skirt is a deeply symbolic garment used in indigenous tradition and ceremony. Each one holds a very personal significance. They represent the sacredness of women in indigenous culture. They show pride in one's culture, heritage, resilience and identity. They are symbols of womanhood, survival and strength. They call to our attention injustice, including injustice for missing and murdered indigenous women and girls.
I want to encourage all of my colleagues and Canadians to listen to Senator McCallum's remarks at second reading. She recounts the story of Isabella Kulak, a 10-year-old student from Saskatchewan who proudly wore her ribbon skirt to school and was shamed by an educational assistant who said that her ribbon skirt was not the right choice for formal day. She went home and took off her ribbon skirt that day. However, her story soon spread far and away, and a multitude of support came in for Isabella from around the world.
On her first day back to school after she was belittled for wearing her ribbon skirt, there was a march held to walk her to class. Women wore ribbon skirts and men wore their ribbon shirts. Chiefs from surrounding first nations also attended. It was a triumphant affirmation of one girl's choice to celebrate and showcase her indigenous culture and to take pride in who she is. What a message to send and what a message we can help send by recognizing January 4 as national ribbon skirt day in Canada.
I will admit that I have personally been fascinated with ribbon skirts, their beauty, importance and symbolism. As a member of Parliament, my days are often booked morning to night, but I have taken a lot of time over the last number of months to do more research on ribbon skirts. There is something so empowering about donning such a visible symbol of one's heritage, of facing the world and of confidence in who one is and where one comes from, especially in the current moment of all those around the world who do not have the freedom to do so, or who are pushed to assimilate themselves or stifle and hide their identity.
All of us here know the long and shameful history of attempted erasure of our indigenous brothers and sisters. It is part of why I have been so interested in deepening my understanding of the role of ribbon skirts in indigenous culture.
On Canada Day, amidst the hassle of so many community events, I made a point to stop by the Mawio'mi being held on the Halifax Common. There was so much indigenous food, culture and crafts on display that day, and when I spotted The Sewing Guild fabric store's table, I was immediately struck by the beautiful fabric they had for sale.
I was not immediately sure what to do with the gorgeous black fabric I picked out, but the colourful dream catcher pattern on it called back to my mind many of the ribbon skirts that I had seen at powwows and indigenous events over the years.
From there I did a lot of research and I reached out to Elder Debbie Eisen, a pillar of the M'ikmaw community in Kjipuktuk. I am so grateful for everything she had to teach me about ribbon skirts, from how they are made to what they mean. With her guidance and skill, I set about crafting my own skirt. Together, we made a beautiful purple and black ribbon skirt with eight coloured ribbons. Every choice had significance and, as Deb explained, all of them speak to the character of the wearer in some way.
As Deb shared with me, the skirt is worn to honour our mothers, aunties and grandmothers, and to honour Mother Earth's soul. The long length of it connects the wearer to Mother Earth. When its length hits the foliage, Mother Earth knows a woman is walking upon her.
The ribbons call back to the 18th century when silk ribbons were an item of trade between settlers and indigenous communities. Each ribbon had its meaning and I selected eight of them. Red represents missing and murdered indigenous women and girls. Green represents the foliage and Mother Earth. Blue represents the sky. Orange represents the survivors of residential schools. Yellow represents the east and Kjipuktuk. Pink is a feminine touch that accentuates the dream catchers in the design. The colour purple symbolizes womankind.
To me personally, the dream catcher pattern on the black fabric, with its multitude of colours, calls back to the idea of diversity and how we contain so much difference as people, yet we all come together as one. I was really struck by the statement it made when it all came together, and I was so honoured to have Deb and everyone at the Mi'kmaw Native Friendship Centre join me in the project.
I am a proud Lebanese Canadian woman. I do not have an indigenous background, but I do have a deep respect for those who cared for this land long before the arrival of settlers and newcomers to Turtle Island. On this, Deb's words humbled me. She said, “The reasons behind your wanting to wear this ribbon skirt, and not only that but to make it yourself, show me that we are headed in a good direction.”
She shared with me an Algonquin prophecy of the seventh fire, of a time when people will be brought together by the talents they have and not the colour of their skin. She told me that every time she sees people who truly from their hearts want to respect indigenous culture, spirituality and ways, it solidifies for her that we are headed in the right direction. She continued, “We will hit brick walls along the way, but even brick walls crumble.” Deb lives in hope that will happen, and I share her belief in our collective ability to reconcile and move forward in respect and understanding together.
Today, indigenous women, girls and gender-diverse people are wearing their ribbon skirts more often as a way to express pride and confidence in their indigenous identity and heritage. It is truly sparking something of a cultural revival, and I can think of a fantastic example from my province. Jahay's Quilting, a fabric store in Eskasoni, was started by Veronica Denny in her basement just over a year ago. Now she sells hundreds of ribbon skirt kits each season to customers all across my province, empowering them to honour their own culture and clan, while inspiring her granddaughter Jahay to make a skirt of her own one day. That is a beautiful thing to behold.
In closing, I ask my colleagues to join me in supporting this bill to formalize what communities have already unofficially deemed national ribbon skirt day. This is one more step ahead for us all in our journey of reconciliation and one that I hope we can take unanimously. Let us vote to establish January 4 as a federal day of recognition, education and awareness of the ribbon skirt and of all indigenous regalia, cultures, traditions and heritage. Let us ensure every little girl can burst with pride about who she is, where she comes from and what she stands for.
Wela'lin. Meegwetch. Shukran.
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- Jun/14/22 12:51:57 p.m.
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- Re: Bill C-5
Madam Speaker, that is why we are doing what we are doing. We need to restore greater availability of conditional sentences. We need to give judges more flexibility to ensure fairer sentences. Criminals will still get harsh sentences, but we need to take into consideration people's personal circumstances, and that is exactly what we are trying to do with this bill.
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- Jun/14/22 12:38:49 p.m.
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- Re: Bill C-5
Madam Speaker, they are failed policies that did not keep Canadians safe or make our justice system more efficient. What they did was fill our prisons with low-risk first-time offenders who needed help.
Bill C-5 removes mandatory minimum penalties that target lower-risk and first-time offenders and have been shown to increase the over-incarceration of racialized and marginalized groups. Removing these mandatory minimum penalties does nothing to prevent serious penalties from being imposed on those who commit serious crimes. We are not preventing police from charging people with gun offences or prosecutors from pursuing convictions.
We are restoring judicial discretion so that sentencing judges can impose just sentences that are proportionate to the degree of responsibility of the offender, and the seriousness of the offence, and take into account all aggravating and mitigating factors, including the risk to public safety, the individual in front of them and their experience with systemic racism.
These could include terms of imprisonment that are lower or higher than the mandatory minimum penalties, which would be repealed. Mandatory minimum penalties would continue to exist for offences including murder, high treason, sexual offences, impaired driving offences and serious firearms offences.
Second, the bill would allow for greater use of conditional sentence orders in cases where an offender faces a term of less than two years’ imprisonment and does not pose a threat to public safety. Bill C-5 would restore greater availability of conditional sentences, so that judges would have the flexibility needed to allow offenders who do not pose any risk to the public to serve their sentences in their communities with strict conditions. These conditions would include a curfew, house arrest, abstaining from the consumption of drugs and alcohol, abstaining from owning, possessing or carrying a weapon, abstaining from communicating with victims, and attending a treatment program approved by the province.
As witness Michael Spratt pointed out:
Offenders can be required to take counselling, seek employment, perform community service and make reparations to the victims of their offences.
That is because, unlike other sanctions, CSOs allow courts to focus on rehabilitation. Less serious offenders who receive CSOs would have access to treatment programs and other supportive services while keeping their families together, having the benefit of community supports, and costing the system dramatically less money. This would help to promote the rehabilitation and reintegration of those who do not pose a risk to society, and by extension would deter crime and ensure our communities are safe. We know that locking up less serious offenders is a poor tool for supporting rehabilitation. I certainly saw that during my time as Attorney General in Nova Scotia.
I would like to quote Brandon Rolle of the African Nova Scotian Justice Institute, who testified in front of us at committee. He said:
...we know that when you go to jail as a Black person, you're not going to have culturally informed programming. You're going to be deemed a troublemaker more often. You're going to be classified at a higher risk. You're not going to come out of that situation in a place to successfully reintegrate into the community.
If there is an opportunity, then, to have less serious offenders serve their sentences in the community alongside their support systems, when there is no risk to public safety it behooves us to provide that option if we are truly interested in rehabilitating those who have been convicted of a crime. The way to do that is to restore judicial discretion to allow the flexibility. I have confidence in our judges and our witnesses, including Mme. Guerin Skalusat, from the Musqueam Indian Band and Manager of Indigenous Relations with British Columbia Infrastructure Benefits, who said exactly that. She said:
I would say that, yes, I have confidence in the judges. I think the implementation of Gladue went pretty well. I think it's something that our community members and those who are facing the criminal justice system are very familiar with. We have lots of resources to support that process. Yes, with that same level of support, I think it would be good.
I want to add that Bill C-5 would not make CSOs available for the offences of advocating genocide, torture, attempted murder, terrorism, serious criminal organization offences or any offence carrying a mandatory minimum penalty.
Third, this bill would require police and prosecutors to consider other measures for simple possession of a drug, such as diversion to addiction treatment programs, rather than laying charges or prosecuting individuals for simple possession of an illegal drug. The proposed amendment reinforces our government’s commitments to address the opioid crisis and to treat problematic substance use as a health issue rather than a criminal issue. This would prioritize getting people the help they need rather than further stigmatizing and punishing them. This is the additional benefit of avoiding the costs associated with an individual’s defence. If an individual is charged, they can still be diverted by the Crown prosecutor.
We understand that police and prosecutors will need tools and guidance to make this work, and we will be there as a government to provide that. As the exemption recently granted to British Columbia clearly demonstrates, we believe the opioid crisis is a public health crisis, and diversion is the better option for those struggling with addictions rather than locking them up. That is how, ultimately, we are going to make a difference in crime reduction.
Finally, for Canadians watching and seeing that the debate here has grown more polarized, I want to say to Halifax West residents, Nova Scotians and Canadians that we worked collaboratively on this bill in committee and have adopted a number of amendments. In conclusion, I cannot stress enough the significance of Bill C-5. We have a serious over-incarceration problem in Canada.
As a final note, literally, in the middle of our committee’s study on the bill, we all read a troubling headline in the paper: “Indigenous women make up almost half the female prison population”. Indigenous women make up only 4.9% of Canada’s female population. If this does not call out for reform, I do not know what would. The trend and the trajectory cannot continue. We have to get serious about restorative justice and supporting communities impacted by poverty and intergenerational trauma. I call on all parliamentarians to join us in passing this bill and committing to work together to develop smart-on-crime policy solutions.
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- May/5/22 2:53:23 p.m.
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Mr. Speaker, today is Red Dress Day: a day for all to remember missing and murdered indigenous women, girls and LGBTQ+ people. It is a national day for Canadians to reflect and recognize that we must all take action. Indigenous peoples know what their priorities are. They have been voicing their needs, and culturally appropriate approaches will best help those who need support so they can work toward healing and closure.
Can the Minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations tell us what the Government of Canada is doing to develop accessible and culturally relevant healing programs and support for children, families and survivors of this national tragedy?
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