Hon. Salma Ataullahjan: Honourable senators, I rise today to speak on Bill C-41, An Act to amend the Criminal Code and to make consequential amendments to other Acts, which would amend the Criminal Code to allow the provision of international assistance and immigration activities in areas controlled by terrorist groups.

Without this bill, humanitarian aid agencies would run the risk of breaking the law by attempting to provide aid within Afghanistan. Section 83.03(b) of the Criminal Code holds that every person is guilty of an indictable offence, making a person liable to imprisonment for a term of not more than 10 years, if they directly or indirectly collect, provide property, financial aid or other services knowing that they will, in part or in whole, benefit a terrorist group.

The revised version of Bill C-41 aims to allow humanitarian aid agencies to provide life-saving food, shelter and health care in any geographic area controlled by terrorist groups without a team of lawyers.

Before I go any further, I would like to take a moment to thank my colleague Senator Omidvar for her continued efforts to help Afghans through Lifeline Afghanistan. Thank you to Senator Jaffer for her commitment to the people of Afghanistan, and thank you, Senator McPhedran.

I would also like to thank my colleagues on the Senate Human Rights Committee for their work on the issue. As Senator Omidvar mentioned, the committee presented a timely and practical report in December 2022, and many of the recommendations are reflected in the amended version of Bill C-41.

Today, I would like to echo the sponsor’s support for Bill C-41, especially with its proposed amendments. Enough time has been lost since the Taliban took Kabul by force, and our priority should be to provide vital humanitarian assistance to starving Afghans. As it has been so eloquently explained, the amendments to the bill are critical to reducing the burden on humanitarian actors.

Colleagues, as many of you may know, Afghanistan has always held a special place in my heart. As a young child growing up in Peshawar, Pakistan, there were few things I would look forward to more than a journey to Kabul. I have fond memories of summers spent in Afghanistan where the people were generous, the landscapes breathtaking and the food incomparable. The Afghanistan of my youth was a laid-back, fun society where men and women were free to enjoy restaurants, discos — that’s what they called them then — and open-air theatres. There were gardens everywhere, filled with families coming together to enjoy spending time in nature. Women had a very visible presence in every place in society, and it was common to see women owning businesses.

But life for the people of Afghanistan has changed due to the Soviet invasion in 1979. Since then, peace has eluded Afghanistan. Decades of war have taken its toll.

Currently, the country is facing an unprecedented humanitarian crisis. Two thirds of the country’s population will need humanitarian assistance this year alone, and nearly 95% of Afghans are malnourished. According to Ramiz Alakbarov, the UN Deputy Special Representative, Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Afghanistan, “The fate of an entire generation of Afghans is at stake.” Women and girls have been completely erased from society — being denied education, employment and freedom of movement because of their gender.

This is not the first time I have risen in this chamber to share my concerns for the people of Afghanistan. In February, I urged the government to help Afghans dying from the cold and hunger during one of the harshest winters that Afghanistan has seen in years. In March of last year, I spoke of the looming famine for 24 million Afghans, forcing many to sell a kidney, or worse, their daughters, as Senator Jaffer just mentioned. In November 2021, I expressed the heartbreak I felt upon witnessing the despair of Afghans left behind, and the complete erasure of women and the arts from public life.

Even as a new senator in 2010, I proposed a study on the role of the Canadian government in supporting women’s rights after ending combat operations in Afghanistan. The committee recommended concrete ways that Canada could make the advancement of women’s rights a fundamental element of its approach to Afghanistan post-2011.

More recently, the Standing Senate Committee on Human Rights presented a report on humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan, more specifically on how Canada’s terrorism financing laws affect the delivery of aid to vulnerable people in Afghanistan. The committee heard from key stakeholders who explained that, because of section 83.03(b) of the Criminal Code, crucial services were put on pause. This included services, such as midwives in remote areas, shipments of aid and supplies aging in warehouses. Martin Fischer from World Vision Canada shared with the committee that an overly restrictive interpretation of section 83.03(b) ultimately only penalized the most vulnerable people in Afghanistan, including the women and girls that Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy is meant to protect.

The committee put forth five recommendations, including that the Department of Justice urgently introduce legislation to create an explicit humanitarian exemption to section 83.03(b) of the Criminal Code, clarifying that legitimate humanitarian aid — absent of any terrorist intent — that results in an incidental benefit to a terrorist group would not fall within the ambit of this provision.

Colleagues, I am glad to see that the amended version of Bill C-41 includes a humanitarian carve-out proposed by the NDP, but I wish to remind you that over a year ago, Canada’s allies, such as the U.S., the U.K., the European Union and Australia, had already issued blanket exemptions for humanitarian aid workers. NDP foreign affairs critic Heather McPherson stated:

Canada’s the only one that put barriers up for humanitarian organizations, instead of making it easier for them to be on the ground doing the work helping Afghans.

Although I fully support Bill C-41, I must share some of my concerns about this legislation. Fortunately, I believe they are completely avoidable with enough preparation and foresight. As you are now aware, Bill C-41 offers two pathways for humanitarian organizations to provide aid in areas controlled by terrorists. The humanitarian exemption protects impartial humanitarian organizations from Canada’s anti-terrorism laws without having to seek authorization from the government. For permissible development activities, eligible persons and organizations must seek authorization by the government to be shielded from criminal liability. To this end, the Minister of Public Safety must provide, upon request, information to organizations and persons wondering if they require such an authorization from the government.

However, I learned that some administrative details have not yet been defined, as it is not clear how organizations are meant to contact the minister. It was suggested that it may be a process similar to requesting that one’s name be taken off the no-fly list: contacting the minister’s office by email. If the issues that we have heard about this process are indicative of the efficiency of such a process, I believe there is room for improvement. As for the availability of information for potential applicants, Richard Bilodeau, Director General of Public Safety Canada, shared that it should eventually be found on a website, but nothing has been set in stone yet.

I understand that the amendments to this bill may have taken offices by surprise, but I am concerned that the necessary additional staff have not yet been hired to analyze incoming applications as soon as Bill C-41 receives Royal Assent.

I also asked Minister Mendicino about the projected timeline for processing and analyzing applications. I was informed that it would be on a case-by-case basis, as security reviews can take longer for organizations that they are less familiar with. I suggested to the minister that they might find a way to fast-track these assessments for certain organizations, such as the Red Cross, World Vision and Doctors Without Borders, to hasten the process and get humanitarian organizations in Afghanistan as quickly as possible.

Again, I must stress that these issues can be resolved, and that the government’s latest budget included funding to staff affected offices. Indeed, the current version of Bill C-41 may not be perfect, but as Dr. Erica See, Senior Legal Counsel at the Canadian Red Cross, shared during the Human Rights Committee’s pre-study on the bill:

. . . it is what’s needed to give the humanitarian sector a path forward — a door, if you will — to provide humanitarian assistance in contexts like Afghanistan.

Honourable senators, it is heartwarming to know that all the parties in the other place worked in committee to make Bill C-41 a better bill than what was introduced at first reading. Senators, as the critic of this bill, I urge you to pass this bill without delay, and to finally give a glimmer of hope to many Afghans.

As Dr. See told the Human Rights Committee on Monday, “Should the bill not pass now, we will see another anniversary in Afghanistan without greatly needed humanitarian support.”

Like Senator Coyle said, manana, tashakor, thank you.

Hon. Salma Ataullahjan introduced Bill S-267, An Act to amend the Criminal Code (aggravating circumstance — evacuation order or emergency).

(Bill read first time.)

Hon. Salma Ataullahjan moved third reading of Bill S-224, An Act to amend the Criminal Code (trafficking in persons).

She said: Honourable senators, I rise today to speak to Bill S-224, which aims to facilitate the conviction of those charged with human trafficking-related offences. This bill will amend the Criminal Code’s definition of exploitation in human trafficking offences so that the Crown is no longer required to prove that a reasonable person in the victim’s circumstances feared for their safety or the safety of someone they know. This will put the onus on the perpetrator rather than the survivors.

I would like to thank Senator Miville-Dechêne for showing support for this bill and offering suggestions to strengthen the bill while highlighting the necessity to first change the wording of the current definition of exploitation in human trafficking offences in the Criminal Code.

Human trafficking is a modern form of slavery that is on the rise worldwide, with an estimated 40 million victims. It is a practice that relies on abuse and coercion to exploit young victims for sexual purposes or work. Traffickers will approach victims in various ways, either by convincing them that they are a potential friend or boyfriend, contacting them on social media, posting ads for jobs or even threatening or kidnapping them. Victims often do not realize that traffickers don’t have their best interests at heart.

In Canada, the geography and layout of the highways makes it easy for traffickers to avoid detection by law enforcement and maintain control over their isolated and disoriented victims. Although there is a popular belief that victims of human trafficking are brought into the country, most victims are young Canadian women. Among the most at-risk groups are women and girls, new immigrants, children in the welfare system, persons living with disabilities, members of the LGBTQ2+ community and migrant workers. The most vulnerable are Indigenous children who live with the impact of hundreds of years of ongoing trauma.

It is incredibly difficult for a victim to break free from their trafficker, and it is a practice known as low risk with high reward among traffickers. Very few cases have been successfully prosecuted in Canada: According to Statistics Canada, less than 8% of perpetrators charged with human trafficking have been prosecuted.

Too much responsibility is put on the shoulders of people who have endured unimaginable things. Most survivors do not identify as victims as a result of manipulation and gaslighting, and yet they are usually the only evidence against traffickers. Without their testimony, the Crown has no case.

Sadly, testimony shows that the fear-based model is the biggest issue when dealing with convictions and that the experience is more traumatizing than being forced to work in the sex trade. During cross-examination, it is common for the defence lawyer to twist their words and call them a liar. This can lead to survivors recanting or simply dropping charges.

According to the current Criminal Code, the offence rests more on a victim’s ability to perform on the witness stand rather than on what the perpetrator has done. Hence, human trafficking charges are often dropped, and traffickers are charged under related crimes such as prostitution-related offences, kidnapping, assault, sexual assault and sexual exploitation. This is not justice.

Honourable senators, by removing this barrier — the element of fear — we will finally be able to tackle bigger challenges in human trafficking in Canada. This is the first crucial step to putting an end to this horrible practice in our country. Thank you.

Hon. Salma Ataullahjan, Chair of the Standing Senate Committee on Human Rights, presented the following report:

Tuesday, June 14, 2022

The Standing Senate Committee on Human Rights has the honour to present its

THIRD REPORT

Your committee, to which was referred Bill S-224, An Act to amend the Criminal Code (trafficking in persons), has, in obedience to the order of reference of April 28, 2022, examined the said bill and now reports the same without amendment.

Respectfully submitted,

SALMA ATAULLAHJAN

Chair

Hon. Salma Ataullahjan moved second reading of Bill S-224, An Act to amend the Criminal Code (trafficking in persons).

She said: Honourable senators, I rise today to speak to Bill S-224, which aims to facilitate the conviction of those charged with human trafficking-related offences. This bill will amend the Criminal Code’s definition of exploitation in human trafficking offences so that the Crown is no longer required to prove a reasonable person in the victim’s circumstances feared for their safety or the safety of someone they know. This will put the onus on the perpetrator rather than the survivors.

Bill S-224 is not a partisan bill. It’s about protecting young, vulnerable Canadians from predatory criminals who exploit their hopes and dreams for personal gain. Our judicial process currently has low rates of prosecution for human trafficking. It’s traumatizing for survivors and puts the burden of proof on victims.

The current definition in the Criminal Code suggests that a person is exploited only if fear was a driving factor in their exploitation. Here I quote:

. . . a person exploits another person if they cause them to provide, or offer to provide, labour or a service by engaging in conduct that, in all the circumstances, could reasonably be expected to cause the other person to believe that their safety or the safety of a person known to them would be threatened if they failed to provide, or offer to provide, the labour or service.

However, as I will demonstrate today, human trafficking is more complex and can only be defined by the perpetrator’s actions rather than the victim’s experience.

By amending the Criminal Code to reflect the international definition of “trafficking in persons” as outlined in the Palermo Protocol, we enable the Crown to efficiently convict human traffickers. The Palermo Protocol views human trafficking as having three distinct elements: the act, the means and the purpose. Human trafficking is defined as the act of recruiting, transporting, harbouring and receiving a person by means of coercion, abuse of power or deception for the purpose of exploitation. This is not reflected in our Criminal Code.

The Palermo Protocol was adopted in 2000 at the fifty-fifth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations and has 117 signatories, including Canada. Yet, 22 years later, this is another example of Canada’s promises without concrete action. This bill proposes to remove the element of fear to reflect the international definition of trafficking in persons as outlined in the Palermo Protocol.

In its current form, the Criminal Code puts the responsibility on victims or survivors to provide compelling testimony to prove the validity of their experience. This small yet powerful change will allow the Crown to convict human traffickers. I stand here today for human trafficking survivors, for their families, for young, vulnerable Canadians and for those who are currently being exploited in plain sight.

As such, Bill S-224 is not a partisan bill: It’s about protecting young, vulnerable Canadians from predatory criminals who exploit their hopes and dreams for personal gain.

This is an important bill. Human trafficking is a modern form of slavery that is on the rise worldwide with an estimated 40 million victims. It is a practice that relies on abuse and coercion to exploit young victims for sexual purposes or work. Traffickers will approach victims in various ways, either by convincing them that they are a potential friend or boyfriend, contacting them on social media, posting ads for jobs or even threatening or kidnapping them. They will promise money, clothes, work, education or financial aid for their family. Victims often do not realize that traffickers don’t have their best interests at heart.

In Canada, the geography and layout of the highways makes it easy for traffickers to avoid detection by law enforcement and maintain control over their isolated and disoriented victims. Although there is a popular belief that victims of human trafficking are brought into the country, most victims are young Canadian women. Almost half of them were found to have come from another city in the same province, and 60% of all victims come from Ontario.

Traffickers use transport corridors to haul their victims along the Trans-Canada and the 401 highways. Many willing customers can be found near oil patch work camps in Alberta, and traffickers exploit the province’s online sex markets. In Ontario, the practice is so commonplace on highways 11 and 17 that you most likely have crossed paths with a rental car in which a trafficker and his victim were travelling from Sudbury and Thunder Bay through northern Ontario towards Winnipeg.

As I have mentioned, traffickers often recruit their victims with false promises, but can also use threats and violence to break them. It is heartbreaking to hear how they exploit vulnerability by aiming for young people dealing with homelessness, substance abuse, addiction, trauma, abuse or violence.

Among the most at-risk groups are women and girls, new immigrants, children in the welfare system, persons living with disabilities, LGBTQ2+ and migrant workers. These are Canadians already falling through the cracks.

The most vulnerable are Indigenous children who live with the impact of hundreds of years of ongoing trauma. In 2014, Indigenous people made up 4% of the population but accounted for half the trafficking victims. Recruiting young Indigenous girls is so commonplace that many survivors have described men waiting at Greyhound bus stations at night and approaching them, promising a place to stay and safety. One Indigenous survivor explained that by the age of 16, she believed it was okay to be beaten by men.

Traffickers will also use their victims to do their dirty work and recruit other vulnerable individuals, often promising them a way out. This shows the extent of manipulation, fear and gaslighting victims face on a daily basis.

Alternatively, social media has unfortunately made recruiting young Canadians and children much easier. Pedophiles can reach out to as many as 100 children per hour on popular apps like TikTok and Instagram.

Leaving such exploitation requires courage, dedication and, often, outside help. Many survivors work tirelessly to help victims escape their traffickers. However, many victims fear or distrust law enforcement, and it can take up to 18 attempts before permanently leaving human trafficking. To make matters worse, it can easily take up to two years before an adult realizes a youth in their life is being sexually exploited. This is what happened to Clementine, a teenage girl in Montreal who was exploited for a year before her parents noticed strange behaviour and worrisome scars on her body. Although she had wanted to leave many times, a trafficker’s threats to kill her family and dog made her stay.

So it’s not surprising that human trafficking is known as low risk with high reward among traffickers. It has generated about US$32 billion annually for perpetrators, and very few cases have been successfully prosecuted in Canada. In fact, according to Statistics Canada, less than 8% of perpetrators charged with human trafficking have been prosecuted.

Also, too much responsibility is put on the shoulders of people who have endured unimaginable things. Most survivors do not identify as victims as a result of manipulation and gaslighting. They can believe their trafficker cares for them. We owe them the necessary help and care. Instead, they must prove that they fear for their life on the stand, often only a few metres from their trafficker. Victims are usually the only evidence against traffickers. Without their testimony, the Crown has no case. Testimony shows that the fear-based model is the biggest issue when dealing with convictions and that the experience is more traumatizing than being forced to work in the sex trade. They must relive their nightmare during the preliminary hearing and then at full trial.

During the cross-examination, it is common for the defence lawyer to twist their words and call them a liar. We all remember a federal court judge in Alberta who asked a victim, during a sexual assault trial, “Why couldn’t you just keep your knees together?” This, as you can imagine, can lead to survivors recanting or simply dropping charges. According to the current Criminal Code, the offence rests more on a victim’s ability to perform on the witness stand rather than on what the perpetrator has done. Hence, human trafficking charges are often dropped, and traffickers are charged under related crimes such as prostitution-related offences, kidnapping, assault, sexual assault and sexual exploitation. This is not justice. This is certainly not a way to prevent, suppress and punish perpetrators of trafficking in persons.

Before I conclude, I must highlight the wonderful work done by MPs Carrie and Viersen to put an end to human trafficking in Canada. I would like to thank them both for their hard work on the original private member’s bill on human trafficking, which I now have the privilege of introducing in the Red Chamber.

Honourable senators, 22 years ago we agreed — along with 116 other nations — to prevent, suppress and punish trafficking in persons, especially women and children. Yet, the onus remains on the victims to prove fear. Colleagues, I ask you, how does a person prove fear?

This bill aims to remove one obstacle in the prosecution of human traffickers. With a simple modification to the Criminal Code, victims and survivors will finally be able to find greater justice and hopefully the safety they require to heal and rebuild their lives.

Honourable senators, by removing this barrier — the element of fear — we will finally be able to tackle bigger challenges in human trafficking in Canada. This is the first crucial step to putting an end to this horrible practice in our country. Thank you.

[Translation]

Hon. Salma Ataullahjan introduced Bill S-224, An Act to amend the Criminal Code (trafficking in persons).

(Bill read first time.)