44th Parl. 1st Sess.
April 25, 2023 10:00AM
moved:
That this House do now adjourn.
He said: Mr. Speaker, I want to thank your office for granting us the opportunity to have this emergency debate on the tragic situation unfolding in Sudan.
I also want to thank all the members who are here tonight. I know the hour is late and there are many issues competing for our attention, but I think we all understand how important it is to be engaged with global events in general and to recognize the nature of the crisis in Sudan in particular. Indifference to global events undermines our own security. Indeed, the best security for our freedom here at home is our investment in the cause of freedom everywhere and our willingness to stand in solidarity with those who are struggling, while also learning the lessons that we can from their experience.
I want to start my remarks this evening with a brief summary of the situation in Sudan, as well as share some reflections on key lessons that we can learn and the actions that we should be taking in response.
In December 2018, I connected with members of Edmonton's Sudanese community who wanted more support from parliamentarians for a nascent democratic revolution in their country of origin. Honestly, when I first heard from them I was surprised at the idea of a democratic revolution in Sudan. At the time, Sudan had been ruled for 30 years by the same dictator, Omar al-Bashir.
Notably, al-Bashir was indicted for genocide by the International Criminal Court while he was still in office. Indeed, he was a terrible leader. Instead of helping Sudan realize its incredible potential, he divided the country, committed numerous unspeakable atrocities and sought to redirect any of the country's wealth towards himself and his family. The country is still dealing with the legacy of his horrific, divisive and violent rule.
However, in late 2018 and early 2019, the people of Sudan boldly took to the streets to demand change. The heroes of this revolution risked everything to demand the recognition of their inherent human dignity and human rights. Human rights do not come from government. They are inherent in human beings, which is why we call them “human” rights.
In many countries around the world, we have seen these kinds of heroic, civilian-led democratic revolutions where, incredibly, under conditions of unspeakable terror, a critical mass of people take to the streets in protest and succeed in overthrowing a dictator.
Many members are today following the “Women, Life, Freedom” movement in Iran, and I think there are many similarities between that movement in Iran today and what happened in Sudan in 2018 and 2019. There are many other parallels that we could speak about.
During the revolution in Sudan, I also had a chance to meet with members of the Sudanese community in St. Catharines, along with then Conservative candidate Krystina Waler. Krystina is Ukrainian and was involved in supporting the revolution of dignity, which ousted Yanukovych in Ukraine. I recall how we discussed the similarities between those democratic revolutions and how diaspora communities here in Canada can support those fighting for democracy in their countries of origin.
This kind of comparative political discussion that can happen in Canada among diaspora communities who are working to support justice and freedom in their countries of origin are indeed some of my favourite conversations to be a part of, with Canadians from different cultural backgrounds sharing insight about how to support these kinds of freedom movements in their countries of origin.
There are often other connections, speaking of the revolution in Sudan and efforts in Iran. One of the grievances that was involved in the revolution of Sudan was the fact that people from Sudan, child soldiers, were being sent to fight in the conflict in Yemen, which is the result of the negative influence in the region associated with Iranian regime.
We can learn so much, and we can learn from listening to and working with diaspora communities. Those communities also engage and learn from each other's experience. In Ukraine, Iran, Georgia and Sudan, we have seen citizen-led democratic movements that have led to dramatic, earth-shattering change. These movements have happened because unarmed women and men have been willing to stand in front of tanks and say no.
Of course, the success of such movements is not inevitable, and there are often setbacks, such as the brutal massacre of civilians in Tiananmen Square and the failure of the Syrian revolution to deliver democratic change. These and other examples show that those who take to the streets for democratic change cannot know what the outcome will be. There was no inevitability in the course of history. People can only do their part to try to steer the future of their country towards freedom and justice.
These movements show us that, while there is no inevitable trajectory to history, there is a universal aspiration for justice and freedom that reflects the universal nature of the human creature. We as human beings are meaning-seeking, justice-seeking and freedom-seeking creatures, whether in Canada, Sudan or anywhere else.
I was inspired by the stories I heard in 2018 and 2019. I was inspired by the interim success achieved by Sudan's democracy movement at ousting Omar al-Bashir. However, the struggle has continued. Following his removal, the people have not yet been able to realize their desire for truly civilian-led government, justice for past atrocities and effective democratic rule-of-law-oriented institutions.
The challenges Sudan continues to face demonstrate two universal truths. One is that people, regardless of history or cultural context, aspire to live in genuine freedom. The second is that history matters and that a people cannot make a perfect, complete break with their past. There is no good way to wipe the slate completely clear. There will always be transitional struggles to build new institutions out of the shells of old.
In this case, one of the defining challenges is that the Sudanese military had created a kind of parallel military force during the period of al-Bashir's rule, called the RSF. The RSF was a kind of organizational successor to the Janjaweed militia, associated with horrific atrocities in Darfur and elsewhere. Both the Sudanese military and the RSF have been responsible for horrific violence. There are no so-called good guys between these two military factions, but the legacy of the creation of this parallel military structure is that rivalry has grown up between them and between those who lead them.
At the hands of both the RSF and the Sudanese military, the people of Sudan have been the victims. At times these violent groups have joined forces to suppress the Sudanese people, but today they are violently opposing each other, and the people of Sudan are caught in the crossfire. Either way, the Sudanese people are the heroes of this story, and they have also been the victims as a result of violence from both of these competing rival military factions.
Just to back up a bit again, in 2019, the Sudanese community that I met with here in Canada wanted us to be more actively engaged with events in Sudan by expressing our support for their movement, calling for freedom and democracy and indeed emphasizing the universality of those ideas, or at least the aspiration for them. I have found universally that those involved in these movements feel that expressions of support from parliamentarians and governments make a real difference. Of course, there are other tools we can use, such as the use of sanctions to punish human rights abusers and deter future abuses. However, at a minimum, paying attention to and expressing support for these movements matters. It matters to the people who are involved in them, and it matters to their supporters throughout the country and around the world. Our governments and those of us here in Parliament must always be willing to have the courage to express our support for these democratic movements.
In the spring of 2019, in the midst of protests, al-Bashir was ousted from power and a transitional military council was created. When protesters demanded a complete transition to civilian rule, the military, along with the RSF, undertook a horrific massacre known as the “Khartoum massacre”, during which over 100 protesters were killed. This was followed by a renewed negotiation between the democracy movement and the military, which eventually led to a temporary power-sharing agreement.
I think the challenge has always been, though, that it is hard to have a functioning power-sharing transitional mechanism when the military refuses to change and refuses to be accountable for its crimes and to recognize the inherent right of people to choose their own leaders. The military seized power again in 2021 and has not stopped refusing accountability or hurting the Sudanese people. Sudanese democratic leaders want to see the creation of one normal military under civilian direction and accountable for its actions, not two militaries that are accountable to no one and that are fighting each other.
Sudan's civilian leaders need to continue the work of transition, but they need our support. We need to respond to the current crisis of seeming civil war between the country's two militaries, but in the long run we need to support the Sudanese people in every way we can as they seek to finish the work they started in December 2018. I am calling on the government, as it responds to the current crisis, to not forget about the long term and to engage with the Sudanese people and the Sudanese diaspora here in Canada to find and use the tools available to indeed help the people of this country complete the work they have started.
As I said earlier, there are a number of key lessons. We can see that there is a universal aspiration for freedom and democracy that exists regardless of place, time and cultural context. We also see that history matters, because the past shapes the kinds of interests and institutions that have to be managed as part of any transition. It will be up to the people of Sudan to figure out how to walk that road, how to struggle forward in the midst of all these challenges, to try to realize their just and right aspirations. However, those of us here in Canada have both an interest in that and a moral obligation to do what we can to help them along that path.
In the current situation, as violence has broken out between these two rival military organizations and as civilians are caught in the crossfire, Canada has taken steps to evacuate Canadian diplomatic staff and other Canadians who are present in this country. I look forward to hearing updates from the government during tonight's emergency debate about those efforts. This debate is important because it gives parliamentarians the opportunity to speak about these issues, but it also provides the government with the opportunity to give a necessary update to the House about the efforts that are under way. We will expect continuing updates from the government as these efforts unfold. We must continue to be engaged with the events in Sudan, but our staff obviously must be able to do so from a place of safety.
I want to clearly highlight for the government as well that we believe it has an obligation to support any locally engaged staff, to the greatest extent possible. Media reports last summer suggested that the Government of Canada did not properly inform locally engaged staff in Ukraine about the risks to them, even though those staff were likely at a much greater risk because of their work for Canada. In Afghanistan, Canada failed to effectively assist all of those who worked with Canadian troops, even though we should have had enough time to plan and prepare. In this case, of course, we acknowledge that Canada has had much less in the way of lead time, but we want to clearly underline that from our perspective, there is a critical importance for Canada to live up to its obligations to support and assist locally engaged staff.
In the time I have left, I want to highlight a number of related issues that I think are important for the attention of the House as well.
The first is the role of the Wagner Group. The Wagner Group is officially a Russian private military organization, but in effect, it is a tool of foreign policy for the Putin regime. We have seen how the Wagner Group has been used and involved in horrific atrocities in Ukraine, but perhaps less known is the Wagner Group's role in various contexts in Africa. The Wagner Group has been hired by various states in Africa to be involved in internal conflicts or suppression of militant groups or terrorist groups in those countries. However, in the process, the Wagner Group has itself been complicit in horrific atrocities in various African countries. This has, at the same time, involved the extension of the Russian government's influence in those contexts.
I am deeply concerned about the Wagner Group and the way it is responsible for not only horrific violence but also extending the geostrategic influence of the Russian government and broadening its reach in certain contexts.
It is important to note, therefore, that while the rest of the world is talking about how to support the Sudanese people and address the violence that is undermining the democratic aspirations of the Sudanese people, the Russian foreign minister is effectively trying to sell the services of the Wagner Group to various interests in these conflicts. He has come out with a statement saying that authorities have a right to use the services of the Wagner Group. This underlines, again, the horrific mentality we see from the Russian regime, but it should also underline for us the risks of the Wagner Group and the way it is both responsible for atrocities and involved in the potential extension of the Putin regime's influence in Africa and elsewhere.
Recognizing some of these risks, I am glad the foreign affairs committee is proceeding with a study on the actions of the Wagner Group. I also think it is important for the government to act on a unanimous motion that was passed in this House calling for the listing of the Wagner Group as a terrorist organization. All parties supported that. It was unanimous. Our party has also, directly in statements, called for the listing of the Wagner Group as a terrorist organization, recognizing its involvement in the genocide in Ukraine and the role it is playing in various other contexts. We should be firm about recognizing that this is a terrorist group involved in terrorist activity. Part of what we can do to contribute to the movement toward peace and security not only in Sudan but also in other troubled contexts in the region is to list the Wagner Group as a terrorist organization.
Therefore, I want to use this opportunity as well, recognizing the statement of the Russian foreign minister, to say that the government should act swiftly to list the Wagner Group as a terrorist organization. These will certainly be questions we will be emphasizing during the foreign affairs committee's study on the role of the Wagner Group.
I also want to say that, as the government thinks about various aspects of our foreign policy, I am hopeful to see the swift passage of Bill C-281, which is currently being debated at the foreign affairs committee. This bill would significantly strengthen the Government of Canada's obligations around responding to human rights issues. It would create, for instance, a parliamentary trigger whereby a committee could recommend that certain individuals be sanctioned, and the government would be obliged to respond to those recommendations. It also requires the government to provide an annual report to Parliament on its work advancing human rights. Tools like these, which strengthen accountability to Parliament around human rights issues, would be very useful for us as parliamentarians, as we would be able to drive the government to make a stronger response to human rights challenges around the world, in Sudan and elsewhere.
Finally, I want to use this opportunity to make the point that Canada should be strengthening its engagement with Africa. I see Africa, in general, as being critical to our future. If we look at this demographically, there is dramatic population growth in Africa while we are seeing population declines in other parts of the world. Africa has immense potential and a young population, and we should be engaging the various peoples of Africa to a greater extent. It seems to me that sometimes when we see these kinds of freedom and democracy movements happening in one continent versus another, they get less or more attention. I want to see all of us, not only parliamentarians but Canadian society in general, recognize the importance and potential of Africa and the universality of its aspirations to live in peace, freedom and democracy. We should strengthen our engagement with it.
The government recently released an Indo-Pacific strategy, and shortly thereafter a colleague and I wrote an op-ed emphasizing the need for the government to develop a strong Africa strategy that responds to its potential, recognizes the need for greater engagement and recognizes the efforts of hostile regimes to strengthen their engagement and influence in Africa, which underlines the importance of our engagement and presence there.
Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, I want to thank you again for granting this emergency debate and for giving us the opportunity to talk about this important situation in Sudan and underline the fact that all of us should be deeply inspired by the heroic courage we have seen from people in countries like Sudan who are standing up and risking their lives to fight for their fundamental human rights, things that we in Canada often take for granted. The people in Sudan, Iran and other such contexts are risking their lives to fight for the recognition of their basic human dignity, their fundamental human rights. The least we can do is pay attention, engage and support them, in the short and long term, in that journey.
We need to hear from the government on what it is doing to respond to the immediate crisis and assist Canadians and others with connections to Canada, like locally engaged staff, in the midst of this crisis, and also, in a more long-term way, what it is doing to support the democratic aspirations, freedom movement and realization of the full aims of the revolution that was started in 2018. It may be a long road ahead, but we need to be there to stand with and support the people of Sudan.
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Mr. Speaker, first, I would like to mention that I will be sharing my time with the member for Spadina—Fort York.
I thank the member for Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, who called for an emergency debate today on the current crisis in Sudan.
As sad as these words are to say and hear, we have to know that civilians are always the first victims of armed conflicts. As I rise to speak in the House, the Sudanese people are being held hostage by two warring factions. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, announced yesterday that the army and the paramilitary groups warring in Sudan had agreed to a three-day ceasefire at the end of 10 days of deadly combat. Shortly afterward, they confirmed a truce to open humanitarian corridors and facilitate the movement of civilians.
Despite a slight lull, the situation for civilians remains unchanged on the 11th day of fighting. The streets are still deserted, military planes are flying over the capital, food shortages continue in the stores, the power is still out in some places, and access to water is becoming increasingly difficult.
Since Sudan became independent in 1956, this country's history has been nothing but a succession of military coups. The current conflict that opposes the two generals is yet another example of that. Foreign interventions have done little but fan the flames of this reciprocal mistrust, actually sparking clashes between the two camps. Over two million Sudanese refugees and displaced persons have already fled to neighbouring countries and hundreds of thousands more will follow. The escalating violence will only make the already dire humanitarian crisis even worse.
The conflict in Sudan began on April 15 following an attack by a branch of the Sudanese Armed Forces, the Rapid Support Forces or RSF. I will give a brief overview. Their objective is to take control of the country, following a political disagreement between the government and the RSF commander.
This branch was created in 2013 by bringing together a number of militias to fight against rebel groups. A 2014 constitutional amendment gave the RSF the status of a regular force. Human Rights Watch was already targeting the RSF in 2014 and 2015 for its abuses against civilians, including murder and numerous acts of torture. RSF militia were particularly cruel to women and their families. They were often given orders to commit acts of unspeakable violence, as we often see in this type of situation.
Sudan is a country that has seen several conflicts, including two recent civil wars and an ongoing conflict in Darfur, which took place primarily between 2003 and 2020. The United Nations estimates that the conflict in Darfur has killed more than 300,000 people, and those massacres have been classified as genocide.
After Omar al-Bashir's regime was overthrown in 2019, General al-Burhan, the head of the armed forces who is currently facing off against General Hemedti, promised a democratic transition, but, of course, that never happened.
In December 2022, the two generals and 40 civilian groups signed an agreement detailing the democratic transition. However, disagreements persisted over this transition, and we know what happened next. On April 15, the RSF carried out a massive attack on strategic sites in order to take over Sudan's capital, sparking a humanitarian crisis and forcing thousands of civilians, including foreign nationals, to flee. For Khartoum residents, the lull observed in recent hours is not exactly a good sign.
According to several experts, both armies are reportedly taking advantage of the situation to move troops, stock up on weapons and reorganize in preparation to resume fighting after the announced truce. The fighting is likely to be much more deadly and difficult. Once again, civilians will be the first victims.
This is very bad news, and the death toll is already very high. According to a rough assessment, 420 people have been killed, including at least 273 civilians, and more than 3,700 people have been wounded in just a few days of fighting. Furthermore, it is believed that both armies are preparing for even bigger offensives.
Those who cannot escape now are trying to survive without water and electricity. They are facing food shortages as well as Internet and phone outages. These are men, women and children who have every reason to fear what lies ahead. Because of the fighting, many families are trapped with little or no access to the basic services that are essential to survival.
Humanitarian aid is essential, despite the obstacles that prevent NGOs from working safely on the ground. It must be said that Sudan already had one of the highest rates of child malnutrition in the world before the recent fighting broke out.
According to UNICEF, there are 600,000 children suffering from severe acute malnutrition. Even before the escalation of violence in Sudan, the humanitarian needs of children were very high. Three‑quarters of them were living and continue to live in extreme poverty. Seven million children do not go to school. That is almost equal to the population of Quebec.
I have no qualms about recognizing the good deeds of the other parties in the House of Commons. The Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship announced yesterday that Sudanese nationals currently in Canada will be able to temporarily extend their stay here rather than returning home. It was the right thing to do, and it was done. Once these measures are in effect, Sudanese nationals will be able to apply for an extension of their status in Canada and switch permit streams free of charge. That is good news.
I am not shy about pointing out good deeds, but I am also not shy about asking questions. When will these measures come into force? It is not clear. We know what happens when we say it is time to act quickly. It took more than a year for Afghan nationals to get here. Why? It took more than a year to draft Bill C‑41, which is currently being studied at the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights. We all agreed, and we are all aware of the requests the NGOs have been making for the past 18 months, but Canada still has not resolved the problem.
For those watching us, if any, I think it is important to reiterate what is set out in Bill C‑41. Bill C‑41 would amend the Criminal Code to create a regime for authorizing eligible persons to carry out, in a region that is controlled by a terrorist group, activities that otherwise would be prohibited under the Criminal Code. The bill assumes that the organizations have to seek authorization from Global Affairs Canada before conducting specific humanitarian activities or providing development aid in a region where that aid might directly or indirectly benefit terrorist groups in some way.
For example, right now, the Taliban, as the current de facto authority in Afghanistan, is likely to receive revenue from any payments such as taxes, import tariffs, airport fees and administrative fees. Such fees may be necessary to support international aid and conduct immigration and other activities. Any Canadian or person in Canada who makes or authorizes such payments may be contravening the Criminal Code. That means that, right now, it is impossible for Canadian NGOs to do their job and to help people the way they would like to. The crisis in Afghanistan has been going on since 2021, but we still have not figured this out. I get a bit scared sometimes when this government says that it is going to act quickly.
Just yesterday, the Minister of International Development tweeted, “Canada is ready to help the people of Sudan, and to provide aid to those in desperate need as conditions allow”.
Am I to understand that the reason it took the government more than 15 months to draft the 82 pages of Bill C‑41, which would allow NGOs to provide humanitarian aid in a crisis, is that conditions were not deemed favourable in Afghanistan? Conditions are not favourable in Sudan at this time. I will not delve any deeper into Bill C‑41 because I would have too much to say about it. Everyone knows me; I will come back to it at some point.
The government also announced that it would prioritize processing temporary and permanent residence applications from Sudan. This would also include visitor visa applications for eligible immediate family members of Canadian citizens and permanent residents. I will not lie: I am concerned about how long this will take. Again, the government needs to walk the talk.
Speaking of walking the talk, unsurprisingly, the federal government may not have chosen the best communication method for staying in touch with Canadians in Sudan. A Canadian woman in Sudan's capital said she received an email from the Canadian government at 2:45 a.m. local time on Monday night, telling her to reserve a seat on an evacuation flight scheduled for noon that day. The problem is that the country's Internet and phone services are largely down. She did not receive the email until the afternoon, so she could not get on that flight. These are the kind of situations that are happening. She said, and I quote, “We're already frustrated, we already don't know what's happening and what's going to happen. And the communication is basically poor”. This is someone who is trapped in Khartoum telling us this. Maybe we should listen to her. She is seriously affected, believe me.
Am I the only one who thinks that communication problems in federal departments have become the norm? I would have a lot to say about that as well.
As I said at the beginning of my speech, and I want to say it again, the primary victims right now are the civilians. As I stand here in the House, the people of Sudan are being held hostage. Men, women and children are without water, food and electricity. Time is running out. I hope that, for once, the federal government will act quickly, like a G7 country.
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